Our top priority, safeguard civilian lives!....Minister:Rishad Bathiudeen
BY........... By Dhaneshi YATAWARA
With a huge influx of displaced people, the Resettlement and Disaster Relief Services Ministry has undertaken the gigantic task of providing shelter until they are ready to return home. Minister Rishad Bathiudeen explained this most complicated yet feasible task in an interview with Sunday Observer. Here are excerpts of the interview:
Q: According to the information you have received up to now, what is the present status of the civilians entering the cleared areas?
Resettlement and Disaster Relief Services Minister Rishad Bathiudeen
A: Well, the most painful problem we face is the difficulty in getting the people out of uncleared areas, as the LTTE is holding them by force.
This is a very inhuman and unethical attitude on the part of the LTTE. Presently 2,254 people belonging to 837 families are with us in the Welfare Centres in Vavuniya.
And in Jaffna, approximately over 1800 people who had escaped recently have been sheltered in centres.
Q: Did the government expect such an influx of people?
A: At any rate we always welcome these innocent people. Actually we expected there would be at least 200,000 people coming out of the uncleared areas, depending on the statistics that were available.
Under the directive of President Mahinda Rajapaksa we have used every possibility to safeguard the lives of people.
We expect all the people still trapped to come out. Since the last quarter of 2008, the Government continuously invited the people to come out.Leaflets were dropped from air informing the civilians on `no war zone' areas, safety passage etc.
We have also informed them through UN agencies, District and Divisional Secretaries as well.
Q: Were we ready to face this challenge?
A: Definitely. We have good past experience in taking care of over 200,000 displaced people in the East and resettling them. It was a huge challenge. With the support from Presidential Advisor, Basil Rajapaksa and the Presidential Secretariat we have a very practical and sustainable plan for the welfare of the currently displaced people.
Q: How does the Ministry plan to provide these newly displaced people with their basic needs?
A: At the moment we have arranged to provide these people with cooked meals.
It is handled by our Ministry. Mobile health units are functioning with the assistance from doctors and the staff of nearby hospitals. This is going on without a break.
We have placed ambulances at the welfare centres. Water and sanitation facilities have been provided and we are in the process of building individual housing units for each family providing them with cooking utensils and dry food rations in the near future.
Q: What are the new measures taken in relation to the latest developments?
A: President Mahinda Rajapaksa gave a directive to release a total land area of 1000 acres in the Vavuniya district to build three villages for the displaced people.
Resettling programs can take a long time and will be laborious as the respective residential areas of these people are laid with LTTE's Anti Personnel Mines.De-mining and clearing these areas and then to obtain a Safety Assurance Certificate from the Security Forces need a considerable time considering the workload they have to perform.
Q: How will this novel concept be activated?
A: We have planned to build three relief villages - Ramanathan Relief village, Kadirgamar relief village and Arunachalam relief village. These villages will have facilities for people to lead a normal life. We will provide education for the children, water, electricity, telephones and other basic facilities.
Q: How will these services be extended to these people?
A: Though these people have become IDPs, earlier either they were government servants, businessmen, farmers, fishermen etc. They can contribute within their capacities. The State employees can play a major role. There may be school principals, teachers, directors, clerks etc. They need to continue with their work. We only need to coordinate this properly. This is not impossible.
Q: What is the status of resettlement programme?
A: In the East 95% is over now. The balance is in progress and definitely we will be able to finish it within this year. Resettling people in a war affected area is not that simple. First and foremost we need to assure that the area is safe.Then the rest will follow. With the recently liberated areas we will start from Mannar. De-mining process, especially in the Silavatura and Musali areas is in progress. Then we will move into Vavuniya, to Kilinochchi and Mullaitivu as the Security Forces move on consolidating their positions.
Q: What are the obstacles?
A: Resettling had to be adhered to certain internationally accepted ethics. These are not really obstacles. We have to fully assure the safety of these people and their future. First and foremost, we need to check those who are willing to return to their homes because some may not be willing with the trauma they had gone through.We can't resettle people without their consent. After the areas have been de-mined the officials will have to evaluate the sites, establish Government offices and then restore the basic infrastructure facilities.
dailynews.lk
A MODEL/ VIRTUAL PARTY ANYBODY CAN START/RUN ANYWHERE IN THIS TROUBLED WORLD TO BRING EQUALITY,FREEDOM,JUSTICE, SAFETY, PEACE,UNITY AND PROGRESS ON MAHATMA GANDHI'S PRINCIPLES OF SELF-RELIANCE, SELF-RULE, SELF-RESPECT AND REMOVAL OF POVERTY, IGNORANCE, SICKNESS,EVILFORCES/SUFFERINGS FROM THIS CONFUSED WORLD AS WELL AS PROTECTION OF NATURE AND SPRITUAL VALUES AS SOON AS POSSIBLE! BETTER LATE THAN NEVER!! GOOD AND TALENTED PEOPLE MUST UNITE AND WORK HARD TO ACHIEVE THE BEST WORLD!!!
Saturday, January 31, 2009
SEE HOW IGNORANT MINISTER CHAMPIKA!!! OVER 90% OF TAMILS/MUSLIMS CAN SPEAK SINHALA LANGUAGE!!!....WRONG STATEMENT!!!
Military exercise until Mullaitivu is freed - Minister Champika Ranawaka
by Shanika SRIYANANDA
Mahinda Rajapaksa Government would not stop the military exercise until the whole of Mullaitivu is liberated. Internal or the external forces cannot compel the Government to stop the war against the LTTE, Environment and Natural Resources Minister Patali Champika Ranawaka said.
In an interview with the Sunday Observer he said that still some hidden conspiracies were propping up to save the LTTE, but the Government is committed to bring a meaningful freedom and a durable solution to the country’s national problem. “We have almost won the battle and defeated the LTTE. The Government does not have any conspiracy with India to stop the battle”, he confirmed.
Following are the excerpts of the interview:
Q: The war in the North will end very soon but people in the South are speculating about the development process of the East. Is there a well planned development strategy for the North?
A: No one can criticise the development activities taking place in the East. Developing the East is one of the priorities of the Government.
The Government has a comprehensive politico-military strategy which consists of three Ds - Demilitarization, Democratization and Development. These three Ds have been successfully implemented in the East now. Like in the East, the military is to defeat the LTTE in Vanni. That is the Demilitarization. Once the North is totally liberated the Government will implement the democratization. After resettling the displaced civilians elections will be held to select their representatives. The development of the North needs a properly planned strategy.
Q: Does the JHU believe that the Tamil people have grievances which were not met yet?
A: I do not think that the Tamils have problems just because they are Tamils. But they too have the same problems like lack of job opportunities to match their education, issues related to agriculture and poverty, which all other communities have. These are common problems to all the communities - Sinhala, Tamil and Muslim. These problems will be addressed under the democratization process. Instead of bureaucracy and elitism, the Government will implement meritocracy to give all communities equal opportunities without being biased towards any particular ethnic or religious group.
Q: Will the Government take steps to resettle the Sinhala and Muslim population who were there earlier in the Northern areas?
A: Yes. It is their right. I do not think that this should be done immediately as the Government’s first priority is to restore peace. When the trust is gradually developed between these communities, this will happen naturally. In 1981 there were 81,000 Sinhalese and 44,000 Muslims in Jaffna. Don’t you think that these people have a right to live in their original habitats.
Q: One of the main demands of the Tamils is about their language rights, which is said to have fuelled the whole conflict. What is your view?
A: It is not a problem only for the Tamils and as I said earlier it is common for others including Sinhalese. The children born in the North and East get the birth certificates in Tamil. This problem can be overcome when the communities learn each others’ languages. Over 90 percent of the Tamils and Muslims can speak Sinhala language.
Q: If you say that the Tamils do not have their own grievances to meet, then what is the use of having the APRC?
A: The JHU has decided to take part in the APRC for two reasons. One is we wanted to identify the so-called problems and to explain our stand to solve those problems. If someone can prove that the Tamils have problems and they have a right to have a separate state, as Buddhists we will agree with them. But we want to say one thing we are not ready to give into these demands at gun point.
It is only possible through discussions. If there is constructive evidence to say that the Tamils need a separate state the JHU is ready to agree with them.
The second reason why we have joined the APRC is that we wanted to emphasize the rights of the Sinhalese who lived for ages in the North and East. They have also faced many injustices due to the LTTE. They were killed or threatened and chased away. They were displaced for years.
Q: Are you confident that these conflicts could be solved through the APRC?
A: There is a Parliamentary Committee to change the country’s election system since 1994. Up to date the Committee has failed to reach to a common agreement to solve the matter. Therefore, the issues that are discussed in the APRC will take time to reach a common agreement. We cannot do things according to the aspirations of some individuals.
The APRC is a good forum because all the other agreements starting from the Bandaranaike-Chelvanayakam, Dudley-Chelvanayakam, Indo-Lanka Agreement by the J.R. Jayewardene, Provincial Council system, Chandrika Bandaranaike’s package and upto Ranil Wickremesinghe’s Ceasefire Agreement, all these are `palace conspiracies’. No other political party was given opportunity to make their contribution to these agreements. That means these agreements were not drawn according to the consensus of the ordinary people of this country. A group of two to three Colombo based people drafted these agreements. Then in 1992 the foreign diplomats, who wanted to make this country a confederal country, joined these groups. Then the `elite’ or ‘palace conspiracy’ became a `diplomatic conspiracy’.
The APRC is a forum for all the political parties to contribute towards the future of this country. This is the first time that all the political parties got an opportunity to contribute their views to solve the national problem. So the outcome of the APRC is strong and will remain longer than the decisions of the elites.
I think that the war against the LTTE has brought many `victories’ to the country. The Mahinda Rajapaksa Government has been able to defeat elite and diplomatic conspiracies while re-establishing the democracy in the war torn areas.
Q: The Government is talking about 13th Amendment to solve the national problem and how is it possible under the three Ds?
A: Yes, it comes under democratization process. But, the JHU is against giving Police and land powers to the Provincial Councils. India which devolved police powers, has taken the decision to keep it with the Central Government after the Mumbai terrorist attack. The JHU oppose implementing everything in the 13th Amendment. What is needed is a careful identification of the things that are appropriate for the country.
Q: Do you propose the `Gamsabha system’, which was proved very efficient system to devolve power?
A: Yes, it is a very efficient system and we have tested it with the `Gama Naguma’ program. What we suggest is that we should give more powers to the Pradeshiya Sabhas which help to develop the infrastructure facilities for the villagers and solve their problems at village level.
dailynews.lk
by Shanika SRIYANANDA
Mahinda Rajapaksa Government would not stop the military exercise until the whole of Mullaitivu is liberated. Internal or the external forces cannot compel the Government to stop the war against the LTTE, Environment and Natural Resources Minister Patali Champika Ranawaka said.
In an interview with the Sunday Observer he said that still some hidden conspiracies were propping up to save the LTTE, but the Government is committed to bring a meaningful freedom and a durable solution to the country’s national problem. “We have almost won the battle and defeated the LTTE. The Government does not have any conspiracy with India to stop the battle”, he confirmed.
Following are the excerpts of the interview:
Q: The war in the North will end very soon but people in the South are speculating about the development process of the East. Is there a well planned development strategy for the North?
A: No one can criticise the development activities taking place in the East. Developing the East is one of the priorities of the Government.
The Government has a comprehensive politico-military strategy which consists of three Ds - Demilitarization, Democratization and Development. These three Ds have been successfully implemented in the East now. Like in the East, the military is to defeat the LTTE in Vanni. That is the Demilitarization. Once the North is totally liberated the Government will implement the democratization. After resettling the displaced civilians elections will be held to select their representatives. The development of the North needs a properly planned strategy.
Q: Does the JHU believe that the Tamil people have grievances which were not met yet?
A: I do not think that the Tamils have problems just because they are Tamils. But they too have the same problems like lack of job opportunities to match their education, issues related to agriculture and poverty, which all other communities have. These are common problems to all the communities - Sinhala, Tamil and Muslim. These problems will be addressed under the democratization process. Instead of bureaucracy and elitism, the Government will implement meritocracy to give all communities equal opportunities without being biased towards any particular ethnic or religious group.
Q: Will the Government take steps to resettle the Sinhala and Muslim population who were there earlier in the Northern areas?
A: Yes. It is their right. I do not think that this should be done immediately as the Government’s first priority is to restore peace. When the trust is gradually developed between these communities, this will happen naturally. In 1981 there were 81,000 Sinhalese and 44,000 Muslims in Jaffna. Don’t you think that these people have a right to live in their original habitats.
Q: One of the main demands of the Tamils is about their language rights, which is said to have fuelled the whole conflict. What is your view?
A: It is not a problem only for the Tamils and as I said earlier it is common for others including Sinhalese. The children born in the North and East get the birth certificates in Tamil. This problem can be overcome when the communities learn each others’ languages. Over 90 percent of the Tamils and Muslims can speak Sinhala language.
Q: If you say that the Tamils do not have their own grievances to meet, then what is the use of having the APRC?
A: The JHU has decided to take part in the APRC for two reasons. One is we wanted to identify the so-called problems and to explain our stand to solve those problems. If someone can prove that the Tamils have problems and they have a right to have a separate state, as Buddhists we will agree with them. But we want to say one thing we are not ready to give into these demands at gun point.
It is only possible through discussions. If there is constructive evidence to say that the Tamils need a separate state the JHU is ready to agree with them.
The second reason why we have joined the APRC is that we wanted to emphasize the rights of the Sinhalese who lived for ages in the North and East. They have also faced many injustices due to the LTTE. They were killed or threatened and chased away. They were displaced for years.
Q: Are you confident that these conflicts could be solved through the APRC?
A: There is a Parliamentary Committee to change the country’s election system since 1994. Up to date the Committee has failed to reach to a common agreement to solve the matter. Therefore, the issues that are discussed in the APRC will take time to reach a common agreement. We cannot do things according to the aspirations of some individuals.
The APRC is a good forum because all the other agreements starting from the Bandaranaike-Chelvanayakam, Dudley-Chelvanayakam, Indo-Lanka Agreement by the J.R. Jayewardene, Provincial Council system, Chandrika Bandaranaike’s package and upto Ranil Wickremesinghe’s Ceasefire Agreement, all these are `palace conspiracies’. No other political party was given opportunity to make their contribution to these agreements. That means these agreements were not drawn according to the consensus of the ordinary people of this country. A group of two to three Colombo based people drafted these agreements. Then in 1992 the foreign diplomats, who wanted to make this country a confederal country, joined these groups. Then the `elite’ or ‘palace conspiracy’ became a `diplomatic conspiracy’.
The APRC is a forum for all the political parties to contribute towards the future of this country. This is the first time that all the political parties got an opportunity to contribute their views to solve the national problem. So the outcome of the APRC is strong and will remain longer than the decisions of the elites.
I think that the war against the LTTE has brought many `victories’ to the country. The Mahinda Rajapaksa Government has been able to defeat elite and diplomatic conspiracies while re-establishing the democracy in the war torn areas.
Q: The Government is talking about 13th Amendment to solve the national problem and how is it possible under the three Ds?
A: Yes, it comes under democratization process. But, the JHU is against giving Police and land powers to the Provincial Councils. India which devolved police powers, has taken the decision to keep it with the Central Government after the Mumbai terrorist attack. The JHU oppose implementing everything in the 13th Amendment. What is needed is a careful identification of the things that are appropriate for the country.
Q: Do you propose the `Gamsabha system’, which was proved very efficient system to devolve power?
A: Yes, it is a very efficient system and we have tested it with the `Gama Naguma’ program. What we suggest is that we should give more powers to the Pradeshiya Sabhas which help to develop the infrastructure facilities for the villagers and solve their problems at village level.
dailynews.lk
THE TAMIL RESPOSIBILITY!!!LOOKING BACK!!!MOVING FORWARD!!!
The Tamil responsibility
Looking back, moving forward:
By Skanda
On 2 January, the Sri Lanka armed forces brought the town of Kilinochchi, the administrative capital of the Tamil Tigers, back under government control. The win was not entirely unexpected, as speculation that the military was attempting to recapture the town, which the government lost in 1990, was rife by November last year. LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran had, however, ridiculed Colombo's effort to capture the city, dismissing it as a daydream of President Mahinda Rajapakse. Yet Kilinochchi fell to the security forces within a span of weeks, with the LTTE's famed military machinery collapsing like a pack of cards.
What happened? How was it that an organisation once described as the most ruthless guerrilla fighting force in the world folded up so quickly? What explains the fall of Kilinochchi?
Changing perception
The answer lies in the Tamil people's changing perception of the LTTE.
Unlike the reality in the late 1970s and 1980s, when Tamils saw the armed struggle as an extension of their political fight for equal rights, in the current context they were beginning to recognise the LTTE as part of an oppressive structure. In following his dream of supreme power in an independent Tamil Eelam nation state, Prabhakaran and the LTTE killed thousands of Tamil men and women who, though deeply committed to the cause of the Tamil people, did not espouse the LTTE ideology. Among others, Tamil intellectuals such as Rajini Thiranagama, Neelan Tiruchelvam and Appapillai Amirthalingam, as well as politicians of the calibre of Sam Thambimuttu and Yogeswaran, were all murdered.
With their cold-blooded killing of thousands and their subjugation of the organisations these individuals represented, the LTTE projected an aura of invincibility, instilling great fear in the Tamil fold. This fear drove many to blindly support any act by the LTTE, even leading some to inform on their neighbours for disloyalty to the group - encouraged acts that ultimately created an atmosphere of distrust akin to that of Nazi Germany. An absolute and abject culture of silence was soon built up within the Tamil community. Sullen and repressed, people began accepting LTTE diktat, not daring to disagree. In addition to this emotional burden, the LTTE also treated the public under their command with contempt: heaping taxes on them, instituting unreasonable laws (such as taxes on government and public servants, and even on items such as sand or bricks for construction or bricks) and forcing Tamils to perform numerous indefensible tasks, including providing a child to the organisation on pain of death.
Tigers' tyranny
The Tigers' tyrannical and disdainful treatment of Tamils resulted in the community moving further and further away from the group in spirit, but continuing to obey its orders due to a lack of alternatives. Whereas militant youths had initially joined the struggle out of a sense of common purpose, this spirit of unity had vanished by the middle of this decade. They were now fighting because they had been ordered to do so, and were afraid to refuse. Commitment to a cause had giving way to conscription. For every Tamil youth it killed, the LTTE was now gaining at least a dozen enemies. Fear still prevented the growing dissidents from taking concrete action, but history has shown that an oppressed people will eventually find ways to get back at their oppressors. Soon, information on enemy positions and movements began to dry up. The majority of the people no longer went out of their way to offer protection to cadres, hide arms and ammunition or provide food. And at the crucial moment during battles, the new recruits began to cut and run.
They began either surrendering to the Sri Lankan military or even informing the security forces about LTTE fighting strategies and plans.
Amidst such an evolution, Prabhakaran was already on the run before the fall of Kilinochchi, but that event had grave repercussions for the movement. The longstanding myth of invincibility had already been shattered following the fall of the east, and the capture of the northern bases. By January, the LTTE's defeat seemed imminent, finally giving the Tamil community the courage to begin criticising and later providing information on a guerrilla force that had so long inspired fear and hate.
In this situation, one would have expected Prabhakaran to chew on the cyanide capsule he is said to wear around his neck. But chew on the capsule he will not. Prabhakaran's strength (and weakness) has been his total commitment to his idea: he does not have the capacity to change, can never give up the idea of a separate state while he remains at the helm. What this means is that the Tamils living in the small area still under LTTE control will have to continue to suffer a little longer, until the few remaining cadres are vanquished or desert.
The tragedy of it all is that history will ultimately remember Prabhakaran as the man who failed to grasp the many opportunities given to him. When in power, for instance, President Chandrika Kumaratunga offered him complete control of the then-amalgamated Northern and Eastern Provinces, which he rejected - and later attempted to assassinate her.
Despite the steadfastness described earlier, Prabhakaran has also always been exceedingly cunning, and has always been at pains to protect himself. Thus, even as this article is being written, potentially reliable information suggests that the rebel leader might no longer even be in Sri Lanka.
No popular support
Indeed, the rapid folding of LTTE resistance to the Sri Lankan military is the surest signal that he may have already fled the country. If their leader were indeed gone, the cadre would see no reason to defend a particular position unto death; thus, the military would be able to overrun LTTE defences in rapid succession.
Even if such rumours are not true, the vanquished LTTE is still in no position to conduct a long, drawn-out guerrilla war. The common man is now battle-weary, tired of this war without end, this immoral war where brother kills brother. And without popular support, recruiting guerrilla fighters is simply not possible.
Looking back, moving forward
Against this backdrop, what will be the fate of Sri Lankan Tamils? Where do they go from here? Where do they stand as a community in the face of a military victory that is seen by many Sinhalese as their win over Tamils? Perhaps prophetic are President Rajapakse's own words, spoken from his quarters in Kandy on 17 January 2009: "Soon the lion flag will fly from every housetop from Point Pedro to Dondra Head ... from Colombo to Trincomalee." What this means for Tamils is that the community may well have to learn to live in the shadow of the conqueror. The community vision of a land where Tamils could live free, as equals with other communities, died a long time ago. As with every dream, it is now time to wake up and take stock of the realities.
Tamils let down
It is also time to face the horrific mistakes and crimes that were committed by Tamils in the name of that dream of independence. It is time to accept that recent leaders representing the community - be they from the LTTE, other militant groups or the politicians in Parliament - all let Tamils down, more often than not treating the people as their vassals. In his (or her) own way, at different times and to varying degrees, each of these leaders oppressed the very people on whose behalf he (or she) was taking up arms. It is time for Tamils to make peace with and amends to their neighbours in the Muslim community for the degradation, ethnic cleansing and untold suffering they have experienced at the hands of the Tamils' self-styled 'sole representatives', while the Tamil community silently watched with nary a word of opposition. It is a time to ensure that Tamils will never again let themselves be blinded, nor be wilfully blind nor condone crimes and faults committed by members of their community.
On the political front, the community must never forget the many chances that were offered but rejected out of hand. Nor should Tamils sink to cheering wildly and in gross ingratitude, biting the very hand that fed them, as occurred during the war against the Indian Peace-Keeping Force during the 1980s and with the assassination of Rajiv Gandhi. Tamils have much soul-searching and community-building to do, to ensure that they not allow the victor to impose a new oppressor from within Tamil ranks upon the community. While there will be no separate state, Tamil political parties will need to make the most of powers to be devolved under the 13th Amendment of the Constitution, in order to rebuild the shattered lives, economy, education and spirit of the Tamil people and land.
(Courtesy Himalmag.com)
Looking back, moving forward:
By Skanda
On 2 January, the Sri Lanka armed forces brought the town of Kilinochchi, the administrative capital of the Tamil Tigers, back under government control. The win was not entirely unexpected, as speculation that the military was attempting to recapture the town, which the government lost in 1990, was rife by November last year. LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran had, however, ridiculed Colombo's effort to capture the city, dismissing it as a daydream of President Mahinda Rajapakse. Yet Kilinochchi fell to the security forces within a span of weeks, with the LTTE's famed military machinery collapsing like a pack of cards.
What happened? How was it that an organisation once described as the most ruthless guerrilla fighting force in the world folded up so quickly? What explains the fall of Kilinochchi?
Changing perception
The answer lies in the Tamil people's changing perception of the LTTE.
Unlike the reality in the late 1970s and 1980s, when Tamils saw the armed struggle as an extension of their political fight for equal rights, in the current context they were beginning to recognise the LTTE as part of an oppressive structure. In following his dream of supreme power in an independent Tamil Eelam nation state, Prabhakaran and the LTTE killed thousands of Tamil men and women who, though deeply committed to the cause of the Tamil people, did not espouse the LTTE ideology. Among others, Tamil intellectuals such as Rajini Thiranagama, Neelan Tiruchelvam and Appapillai Amirthalingam, as well as politicians of the calibre of Sam Thambimuttu and Yogeswaran, were all murdered.
With their cold-blooded killing of thousands and their subjugation of the organisations these individuals represented, the LTTE projected an aura of invincibility, instilling great fear in the Tamil fold. This fear drove many to blindly support any act by the LTTE, even leading some to inform on their neighbours for disloyalty to the group - encouraged acts that ultimately created an atmosphere of distrust akin to that of Nazi Germany. An absolute and abject culture of silence was soon built up within the Tamil community. Sullen and repressed, people began accepting LTTE diktat, not daring to disagree. In addition to this emotional burden, the LTTE also treated the public under their command with contempt: heaping taxes on them, instituting unreasonable laws (such as taxes on government and public servants, and even on items such as sand or bricks for construction or bricks) and forcing Tamils to perform numerous indefensible tasks, including providing a child to the organisation on pain of death.
Tigers' tyranny
The Tigers' tyrannical and disdainful treatment of Tamils resulted in the community moving further and further away from the group in spirit, but continuing to obey its orders due to a lack of alternatives. Whereas militant youths had initially joined the struggle out of a sense of common purpose, this spirit of unity had vanished by the middle of this decade. They were now fighting because they had been ordered to do so, and were afraid to refuse. Commitment to a cause had giving way to conscription. For every Tamil youth it killed, the LTTE was now gaining at least a dozen enemies. Fear still prevented the growing dissidents from taking concrete action, but history has shown that an oppressed people will eventually find ways to get back at their oppressors. Soon, information on enemy positions and movements began to dry up. The majority of the people no longer went out of their way to offer protection to cadres, hide arms and ammunition or provide food. And at the crucial moment during battles, the new recruits began to cut and run.
They began either surrendering to the Sri Lankan military or even informing the security forces about LTTE fighting strategies and plans.
Amidst such an evolution, Prabhakaran was already on the run before the fall of Kilinochchi, but that event had grave repercussions for the movement. The longstanding myth of invincibility had already been shattered following the fall of the east, and the capture of the northern bases. By January, the LTTE's defeat seemed imminent, finally giving the Tamil community the courage to begin criticising and later providing information on a guerrilla force that had so long inspired fear and hate.
In this situation, one would have expected Prabhakaran to chew on the cyanide capsule he is said to wear around his neck. But chew on the capsule he will not. Prabhakaran's strength (and weakness) has been his total commitment to his idea: he does not have the capacity to change, can never give up the idea of a separate state while he remains at the helm. What this means is that the Tamils living in the small area still under LTTE control will have to continue to suffer a little longer, until the few remaining cadres are vanquished or desert.
The tragedy of it all is that history will ultimately remember Prabhakaran as the man who failed to grasp the many opportunities given to him. When in power, for instance, President Chandrika Kumaratunga offered him complete control of the then-amalgamated Northern and Eastern Provinces, which he rejected - and later attempted to assassinate her.
Despite the steadfastness described earlier, Prabhakaran has also always been exceedingly cunning, and has always been at pains to protect himself. Thus, even as this article is being written, potentially reliable information suggests that the rebel leader might no longer even be in Sri Lanka.
No popular support
Indeed, the rapid folding of LTTE resistance to the Sri Lankan military is the surest signal that he may have already fled the country. If their leader were indeed gone, the cadre would see no reason to defend a particular position unto death; thus, the military would be able to overrun LTTE defences in rapid succession.
Even if such rumours are not true, the vanquished LTTE is still in no position to conduct a long, drawn-out guerrilla war. The common man is now battle-weary, tired of this war without end, this immoral war where brother kills brother. And without popular support, recruiting guerrilla fighters is simply not possible.
Looking back, moving forward
Against this backdrop, what will be the fate of Sri Lankan Tamils? Where do they go from here? Where do they stand as a community in the face of a military victory that is seen by many Sinhalese as their win over Tamils? Perhaps prophetic are President Rajapakse's own words, spoken from his quarters in Kandy on 17 January 2009: "Soon the lion flag will fly from every housetop from Point Pedro to Dondra Head ... from Colombo to Trincomalee." What this means for Tamils is that the community may well have to learn to live in the shadow of the conqueror. The community vision of a land where Tamils could live free, as equals with other communities, died a long time ago. As with every dream, it is now time to wake up and take stock of the realities.
Tamils let down
It is also time to face the horrific mistakes and crimes that were committed by Tamils in the name of that dream of independence. It is time to accept that recent leaders representing the community - be they from the LTTE, other militant groups or the politicians in Parliament - all let Tamils down, more often than not treating the people as their vassals. In his (or her) own way, at different times and to varying degrees, each of these leaders oppressed the very people on whose behalf he (or she) was taking up arms. It is time for Tamils to make peace with and amends to their neighbours in the Muslim community for the degradation, ethnic cleansing and untold suffering they have experienced at the hands of the Tamils' self-styled 'sole representatives', while the Tamil community silently watched with nary a word of opposition. It is a time to ensure that Tamils will never again let themselves be blinded, nor be wilfully blind nor condone crimes and faults committed by members of their community.
On the political front, the community must never forget the many chances that were offered but rejected out of hand. Nor should Tamils sink to cheering wildly and in gross ingratitude, biting the very hand that fed them, as occurred during the war against the Indian Peace-Keeping Force during the 1980s and with the assassination of Rajiv Gandhi. Tamils have much soul-searching and community-building to do, to ensure that they not allow the victor to impose a new oppressor from within Tamil ranks upon the community. While there will be no separate state, Tamil political parties will need to make the most of powers to be devolved under the 13th Amendment of the Constitution, in order to rebuild the shattered lives, economy, education and spirit of the Tamil people and land.
(Courtesy Himalmag.com)
TIME FOR TAMIL DIASPORA OR SONIA TO SAVE TAMIL CIVILIANS!!!
Time For Sri Lankan Tamil Diaspora To Speak Out
By B. Raman
"An organisation headed by a leader, who understands only terrorism, is unlikely to rehabilitate itself in the eyes of the international community. Prabakaran is a liability for the LTTE and the Sri Lankan Tamils in the post-9/11 world. The time has come for the LTTE leaders and the Sri Lankan Tamils—-including their overseas diaspora—- to do an introspection on their future course of action. If they have to preserve the gains made by thousands of their cadres since 1983, they have to find a new leadership. Prabakaran is no longer the man of the future. He is passe. He has become a liability for the Tamil cause. The sooner the Sri Lankan Tamils realise it, the better for them."
Extract from my article of January 22, 2007, titled LTTE AVOIDS BATTLE OF ATTRITION IN THE EAST available at http://www.southasiaanalysis.org/papers22/paper2105.html
The reports regarding the desperate plight of about 1,50,000 Sri Lankan Tamils caught up between an advancing Sri Lankan Army and a retreating Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in the Wanni area of northern Sri Lanka are confusing.
2. Many have reportedly died and many, including many children, have been injured in the exchange of artillery fire between the two sides. In a situation like this, it is impossible to establish whose artillery killed whom. All one can say is that innocent civilians are paying a heavy price for the heavy exchange of artillery.
3. The Sri Lankan Army is disinclined to agree to a ceasefire to let the civilians be evacuated by the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) lest the LTTE take advantage of it to regroup. The LTTE is disinclined to let the civilians move to the safety zones set up by the Government lest this facilitate the advance of the Army.
4. The international community, including the Government of India, are unable to effectively bring pressure on both sides to help out the civilians. The Sri Lankan Army has estimated that it is only a few weeks away from totally eliminating the capability of the LTTE for conventional fighting and it is determined to achieve that objective even at the risk of some collateral damage to the civilians. The LTTE is afraid that if it lets the civilians go, it will have a face-to-face confrontation with the Army in which it is unlikely to do well.
5. Prabakaran, who is believed to be still commanding the retreating LTTE fighters, does not seem to realise that the chances of the LTTE staging a spectacular come-back as it did in the 1990s and recaptured Kilinochchi and Mulaithivu are remote. The loss of control over territory in the Northern Province is not so devastating for him as the loss of control over the Tamil population in the Eastern Province. In the past, many of the conventional fighters of the LTTE came from the Eastern Province and many of the terrorists from the Northern Province. It is no longer possible for him to get new recruits from the Eastern Province. The recent fighting in the North has indicated that the LTTE’s shortages in arm and ammunition and explosives are much more serious than originally estimated. With the rapidly decreasing possibility of finding replacement of human and material resources, his chances of staging a come-back conventionally are much less than what they were in the 1990s.
6. The terrorist wing of the LTTE also seems to be facing severe problems due to a shortage of explosive material, a drop in volunteers for suicide terrorism and the lack of time and space in the midst of a furious conventional war to motivate and train new volunteers and mount operations.
7. The use of the civilians to avert an impending final defeat on the ground should be condemned by all the political parties in Tamil Nadu, by the Government of India and the international community. Prabakaran has been living in a world of illusions just as Hitler was in the final days of the defeat of the Nazi Army before he and his mistress committed suicide in a Berlin bunker to avoid being captured by the advancing Soviet Army. Till he decided to kill himself, Hitler was fondly hoping that a reversal of fortunes was still possible. So too, Prabakaran seems to be having a fond hope that he and his men can stage a come-back even at this stage.
8. It is time for the Sri Lankan Tamil diaspora to assert itself and call upon the LTTE cadres to overthrow Prabakaran and other leaders, arrest them, hand them over to the Sri Lankan authorities and proclaim a unilateral ceasefire. It is time for the diaspora to come to terms with the reality and act before more civilians are killed. If they fail to do so and continue to encourage Prabakaran in his irrational illusions, history will judge them harshly.
(The writer is Additional Secretary (retd), Cabinet Secretariat, Govt. of India, New Delhi, and, presently, Director, Institute For Topical Studies, Chennai. E-mail: seventyone2@gmail.com)
www island.lk
------------------------------------------------------------------------------
WTRF would like ask Mr.Raman and other Indian politicians that rather than Tamil diaspora, Sonia Gandhi+Congress party have the moral duty and real ability to saveguard Tamil civilians as Tamils are true friends of India because of close religious, linguistic, cultural loyality with India and Indians! If war broke out between India and Pakistan/China you have no friends in Srilanka if Tamils are completely destroyed!You knew very well Sinhala leaders are with whom in the past!!!
When Sinhala soldiers were in big trouble in Kilaly,GOI helped them!!But today Tamil civilians are in big trouble!We hope and pray Lord Shiva,Vishnu,Ganesh and Muruga to guide India in this crucial movement to safeguard helpless/powerless Tamils in SL!!!
If India failed, you see Pakistani/Chinese flags in Jaffna/Katchativu as well as in TN!!! WE ARE WAITING FOR INDIA'S URGENT DECISION!!!WE WANT TO SEE AN INDIRA GANDHI IN SONIA GANDHI!!! GOODBYE OUR FRIEND RAMAN!!!
By B. Raman
"An organisation headed by a leader, who understands only terrorism, is unlikely to rehabilitate itself in the eyes of the international community. Prabakaran is a liability for the LTTE and the Sri Lankan Tamils in the post-9/11 world. The time has come for the LTTE leaders and the Sri Lankan Tamils—-including their overseas diaspora—- to do an introspection on their future course of action. If they have to preserve the gains made by thousands of their cadres since 1983, they have to find a new leadership. Prabakaran is no longer the man of the future. He is passe. He has become a liability for the Tamil cause. The sooner the Sri Lankan Tamils realise it, the better for them."
Extract from my article of January 22, 2007, titled LTTE AVOIDS BATTLE OF ATTRITION IN THE EAST available at http://www.southasiaanalysis.org/papers22/paper2105.html
The reports regarding the desperate plight of about 1,50,000 Sri Lankan Tamils caught up between an advancing Sri Lankan Army and a retreating Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in the Wanni area of northern Sri Lanka are confusing.
2. Many have reportedly died and many, including many children, have been injured in the exchange of artillery fire between the two sides. In a situation like this, it is impossible to establish whose artillery killed whom. All one can say is that innocent civilians are paying a heavy price for the heavy exchange of artillery.
3. The Sri Lankan Army is disinclined to agree to a ceasefire to let the civilians be evacuated by the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) lest the LTTE take advantage of it to regroup. The LTTE is disinclined to let the civilians move to the safety zones set up by the Government lest this facilitate the advance of the Army.
4. The international community, including the Government of India, are unable to effectively bring pressure on both sides to help out the civilians. The Sri Lankan Army has estimated that it is only a few weeks away from totally eliminating the capability of the LTTE for conventional fighting and it is determined to achieve that objective even at the risk of some collateral damage to the civilians. The LTTE is afraid that if it lets the civilians go, it will have a face-to-face confrontation with the Army in which it is unlikely to do well.
5. Prabakaran, who is believed to be still commanding the retreating LTTE fighters, does not seem to realise that the chances of the LTTE staging a spectacular come-back as it did in the 1990s and recaptured Kilinochchi and Mulaithivu are remote. The loss of control over territory in the Northern Province is not so devastating for him as the loss of control over the Tamil population in the Eastern Province. In the past, many of the conventional fighters of the LTTE came from the Eastern Province and many of the terrorists from the Northern Province. It is no longer possible for him to get new recruits from the Eastern Province. The recent fighting in the North has indicated that the LTTE’s shortages in arm and ammunition and explosives are much more serious than originally estimated. With the rapidly decreasing possibility of finding replacement of human and material resources, his chances of staging a come-back conventionally are much less than what they were in the 1990s.
6. The terrorist wing of the LTTE also seems to be facing severe problems due to a shortage of explosive material, a drop in volunteers for suicide terrorism and the lack of time and space in the midst of a furious conventional war to motivate and train new volunteers and mount operations.
7. The use of the civilians to avert an impending final defeat on the ground should be condemned by all the political parties in Tamil Nadu, by the Government of India and the international community. Prabakaran has been living in a world of illusions just as Hitler was in the final days of the defeat of the Nazi Army before he and his mistress committed suicide in a Berlin bunker to avoid being captured by the advancing Soviet Army. Till he decided to kill himself, Hitler was fondly hoping that a reversal of fortunes was still possible. So too, Prabakaran seems to be having a fond hope that he and his men can stage a come-back even at this stage.
8. It is time for the Sri Lankan Tamil diaspora to assert itself and call upon the LTTE cadres to overthrow Prabakaran and other leaders, arrest them, hand them over to the Sri Lankan authorities and proclaim a unilateral ceasefire. It is time for the diaspora to come to terms with the reality and act before more civilians are killed. If they fail to do so and continue to encourage Prabakaran in his irrational illusions, history will judge them harshly.
(The writer is Additional Secretary (retd), Cabinet Secretariat, Govt. of India, New Delhi, and, presently, Director, Institute For Topical Studies, Chennai. E-mail: seventyone2@gmail.com)
www island.lk
------------------------------------------------------------------------------
WTRF would like ask Mr.Raman and other Indian politicians that rather than Tamil diaspora, Sonia Gandhi+Congress party have the moral duty and real ability to saveguard Tamil civilians as Tamils are true friends of India because of close religious, linguistic, cultural loyality with India and Indians! If war broke out between India and Pakistan/China you have no friends in Srilanka if Tamils are completely destroyed!You knew very well Sinhala leaders are with whom in the past!!!
When Sinhala soldiers were in big trouble in Kilaly,GOI helped them!!But today Tamil civilians are in big trouble!We hope and pray Lord Shiva,Vishnu,Ganesh and Muruga to guide India in this crucial movement to safeguard helpless/powerless Tamils in SL!!!
If India failed, you see Pakistani/Chinese flags in Jaffna/Katchativu as well as in TN!!! WE ARE WAITING FOR INDIA'S URGENT DECISION!!!WE WANT TO SEE AN INDIRA GANDHI IN SONIA GANDHI!!! GOODBYE OUR FRIEND RAMAN!!!
MR-GOVT FAILED TO BUILD UP DEMOCRACY AND RULE OF LAW IN SOUTH!! HOW TO DO IN NORTH/EAST???
NOTEBOOK OF A NOBODY
Minding the end game
by Shanie....................(A HIGHLY RESPECTED WRITER BY TAMIL DIASPORA)
The war, in its current phase, is nearing its end. There was never any doubt that the security forces, with their superior manpower, superior arms and control over the skies and sea, would in the end prevail over the LTTE in conventional operations. But the question was as to the extent of lives that would be lost, totally or partially, in regaining the territory under the control of the insurgents. Many in civil society, including religious leaders, had urged a softer approach with an occasional temporary truce. That was in the hope that such an approach would result in less trauma for those affected, both combatants and civilians caught-up in the crossfire and their families, and less loss of military, LTTE and civilian lives. The end result of this soft approach, even though it would have taken longer to achieve, would have been the same. But the defence establishment preferred a hard line approach, pushing for victory over the LTTE in the shortest possible time, irrespective of the increased trauma and casualties that such a strategy would have entailed.
The bulk of the LTTE’s fighting cadres are now holed up in and around Puthukudiyiruppu. But with them are also an estimated 230 to 250 thousand civilians. The Government has announced a ‘safety zone’ into which these civilians can move. It makes sense for these civilians to move into such a safety zone and there can be little doubt that the majority of them would prefer to do so. But the LTTE’s strategy, as expected, is to keep them as human shields. If all the civilians move out, their cadres would be sitting ducks to the fire power of the security forces. So the civilians are forced to remain in the cross-fire. But it is the duty of the Government to be mindful of the helplessness of these civilians. Subjecting them to artillery fire or preventing food from reaching them should not be employed as a strategy to force the civilians to flee at immense risk to their lives. It is within the capacity of the security forces, at least at this stage, to change strategy to ensure civilian safety. After all, they have the LTTE almost surrounded and there is no possibility at this stage of the LTTE regrouping and re-arming itself. Instead of working to political imperatives and election deadlines, it will be in the long-term interests of our country and our people if the security forces now show total commitment to the welfare and safety of the trapped Tamil civilians, a commitment that the LTTE has hardly ever shown. Such a commitment by the government will not be lost on the Tamil civilians.
The future after the end game
The future for the people of the North – and the East, despite claims of its ‘liberation’ – is a matter of concern to the country. The LTTE has been a monolithic outfit, totally under the control and direction of one leader. History has shown that any non-democratic organization will quickly collapse in the absence of its authoritarian leader. That surely will be the fate of the LTTE if its leader is captured or killed. If however he is able to go (or has gone) underground and continue leading the LTTE, then the outfit will go back to what it was in its early years and operate as a guerrilla force. It is difficult to predict if they will be a more deadly as guerrilla outfit, rather than as conventional insurgents.
But even as a guerrilla outfit, the LTTE’s effectiveness would be nullified if the Government commits itself to winning the hearts and minds of the Tamil people in the North, a commitment which they have not shown during the past three years. Replacing the LTTE with another armed group is not the way to go about providing democracy to the people of the North. The Government should have by now learnt the lessons of that policy in the East, where the LTTE has now re-emerged and is now making its militant presence felt. The Government dismisses the Tamil National Alliance as a proxy of the LTTE and has not even invited the TNA to make a contribution to the deliberations of the All Party Conference or the APRC. The irrelevance of the APRC today is of course not due to the absence of the TNA, but allowing only the armed groups to represent the Tamils was a disastrous decision. The TNA remains the only democratically elected representative of the Tamil people and by ignoring them the government has shown that it prefers to do business with armed clones of the LTTE rather than with elected representatives. After all, the TNA received over 90% of the votes in the Jaffna District.
After the assassinations of the early leadership of the TNA (and the earlier TULF), over the last ten years the TNA has lost leaders with a broad vision like Neelan Tiruchelvam, Joseph Pararajasingham and Nadarajah Raviraj to the assassin’s bullet and Veerasingham Anandasangari to intra-party politics. Only R Sambandan remains. He may be surrounded by hawks and chauvinists, but he is a person respected by the Tamil people and the government would have done well to recognise him with respect as an elected leader of the Tamil people.
The fear of the Tamil and Muslim people in the North and East is of continuing to live under discrimination and authoritarianism, even after driving out the LTTE from controlling any part pf the country. The government has shown no inclination so far to implementing the provisions of the 13th Amendment in its entirety, leave alone bringing any new meaningful devolution proposals. Armed groups still go round abducting, killing, robbing and harassing people in the ‘cleared areas’ of the North and East. And there are credible reports of planned colonisation of Muslim and Tamil lands by Sinhala settlers, implemented by chauvinist and fascist groups who are part of the government. That was the same disastrous policy followed in the nineteen seventies and eighties that gave birth to the LTTE. President Rajapaksa will understand the truth of the well–known saying of George Santayana about the danger of repeating the mistakes of history. Those who cannot remember the past, wrote Santayana, are condemned to repeat it. That is, those who fail to learn from the mistakes of their predecessors, are destined to repeat the same mistakes.
Post-war administration
To win over the local civilian population to the cause of peace and democracy, it is not enough to make pronouncements to that effect. In addition to the implementation of political devolution proposals in terms of the Constitution, there will be a need for a strong civilian administration. Such an administration should be manned by strong independent professionals. Even in a non post-war situation, politicians and military officers do not usually make good administrators. There have been exceptions no doubt. In the Uva, we have an ex-politician who is keeping the provincial politicians on their toes, irrespective of party politics. In the East, in an earlier era, we had an ex-military officer who provided an impartial administration. But in the current situation, we need independent Tamil or Muslim professionals who will be able to provide leadership to the people without having to be confined to their offices surrounded by security. We need professionals who will be above politics, above partisanship and who will be able to stand up both against political meddling as well as against armed groups of all types. Only such an administration can prevent militancy from raising its head once again and crucially win the hearts and minds of the civilians, who have undergone decades of harassment from various quarters.
A military presence will still be necessary but it will have to be a not-so-visible one. After years of fighting an ethnic insurgency, mindsets of the security forces will be difficult to change. A re-orientation programme will be necessary to effect a change. But there will be chauvinists and fascists who will not want that mindset to change. How the governments handles this will be crucial to the development of democracy and good governance in the region. It can be questioned how a government that has failed to build up democratic freedoms and adherence to the rule of law in the rest of the country can do in the new situation in the North.
The only hope is that political expediency will be less of a factor in the North. But we are doomed if the government succumbs to political expediency and installs an armed group there.
www island.lk
Upali Newspapers Limited, 223, Bloemendhal Road, Colombo 13, Sri Lanka, Tel +940112497500
EDITOR:
Prabath Sahabandu
Tel:+940112497574
Fax:+940112497543
E-mail:prabath@unl.upali.lkTel:+940112497567
Fax:+940112449291
E-mail:webmaster@unl.upali.lk
Minding the end game
by Shanie....................(A HIGHLY RESPECTED WRITER BY TAMIL DIASPORA)
The war, in its current phase, is nearing its end. There was never any doubt that the security forces, with their superior manpower, superior arms and control over the skies and sea, would in the end prevail over the LTTE in conventional operations. But the question was as to the extent of lives that would be lost, totally or partially, in regaining the territory under the control of the insurgents. Many in civil society, including religious leaders, had urged a softer approach with an occasional temporary truce. That was in the hope that such an approach would result in less trauma for those affected, both combatants and civilians caught-up in the crossfire and their families, and less loss of military, LTTE and civilian lives. The end result of this soft approach, even though it would have taken longer to achieve, would have been the same. But the defence establishment preferred a hard line approach, pushing for victory over the LTTE in the shortest possible time, irrespective of the increased trauma and casualties that such a strategy would have entailed.
The bulk of the LTTE’s fighting cadres are now holed up in and around Puthukudiyiruppu. But with them are also an estimated 230 to 250 thousand civilians. The Government has announced a ‘safety zone’ into which these civilians can move. It makes sense for these civilians to move into such a safety zone and there can be little doubt that the majority of them would prefer to do so. But the LTTE’s strategy, as expected, is to keep them as human shields. If all the civilians move out, their cadres would be sitting ducks to the fire power of the security forces. So the civilians are forced to remain in the cross-fire. But it is the duty of the Government to be mindful of the helplessness of these civilians. Subjecting them to artillery fire or preventing food from reaching them should not be employed as a strategy to force the civilians to flee at immense risk to their lives. It is within the capacity of the security forces, at least at this stage, to change strategy to ensure civilian safety. After all, they have the LTTE almost surrounded and there is no possibility at this stage of the LTTE regrouping and re-arming itself. Instead of working to political imperatives and election deadlines, it will be in the long-term interests of our country and our people if the security forces now show total commitment to the welfare and safety of the trapped Tamil civilians, a commitment that the LTTE has hardly ever shown. Such a commitment by the government will not be lost on the Tamil civilians.
The future after the end game
The future for the people of the North – and the East, despite claims of its ‘liberation’ – is a matter of concern to the country. The LTTE has been a monolithic outfit, totally under the control and direction of one leader. History has shown that any non-democratic organization will quickly collapse in the absence of its authoritarian leader. That surely will be the fate of the LTTE if its leader is captured or killed. If however he is able to go (or has gone) underground and continue leading the LTTE, then the outfit will go back to what it was in its early years and operate as a guerrilla force. It is difficult to predict if they will be a more deadly as guerrilla outfit, rather than as conventional insurgents.
But even as a guerrilla outfit, the LTTE’s effectiveness would be nullified if the Government commits itself to winning the hearts and minds of the Tamil people in the North, a commitment which they have not shown during the past three years. Replacing the LTTE with another armed group is not the way to go about providing democracy to the people of the North. The Government should have by now learnt the lessons of that policy in the East, where the LTTE has now re-emerged and is now making its militant presence felt. The Government dismisses the Tamil National Alliance as a proxy of the LTTE and has not even invited the TNA to make a contribution to the deliberations of the All Party Conference or the APRC. The irrelevance of the APRC today is of course not due to the absence of the TNA, but allowing only the armed groups to represent the Tamils was a disastrous decision. The TNA remains the only democratically elected representative of the Tamil people and by ignoring them the government has shown that it prefers to do business with armed clones of the LTTE rather than with elected representatives. After all, the TNA received over 90% of the votes in the Jaffna District.
After the assassinations of the early leadership of the TNA (and the earlier TULF), over the last ten years the TNA has lost leaders with a broad vision like Neelan Tiruchelvam, Joseph Pararajasingham and Nadarajah Raviraj to the assassin’s bullet and Veerasingham Anandasangari to intra-party politics. Only R Sambandan remains. He may be surrounded by hawks and chauvinists, but he is a person respected by the Tamil people and the government would have done well to recognise him with respect as an elected leader of the Tamil people.
The fear of the Tamil and Muslim people in the North and East is of continuing to live under discrimination and authoritarianism, even after driving out the LTTE from controlling any part pf the country. The government has shown no inclination so far to implementing the provisions of the 13th Amendment in its entirety, leave alone bringing any new meaningful devolution proposals. Armed groups still go round abducting, killing, robbing and harassing people in the ‘cleared areas’ of the North and East. And there are credible reports of planned colonisation of Muslim and Tamil lands by Sinhala settlers, implemented by chauvinist and fascist groups who are part of the government. That was the same disastrous policy followed in the nineteen seventies and eighties that gave birth to the LTTE. President Rajapaksa will understand the truth of the well–known saying of George Santayana about the danger of repeating the mistakes of history. Those who cannot remember the past, wrote Santayana, are condemned to repeat it. That is, those who fail to learn from the mistakes of their predecessors, are destined to repeat the same mistakes.
Post-war administration
To win over the local civilian population to the cause of peace and democracy, it is not enough to make pronouncements to that effect. In addition to the implementation of political devolution proposals in terms of the Constitution, there will be a need for a strong civilian administration. Such an administration should be manned by strong independent professionals. Even in a non post-war situation, politicians and military officers do not usually make good administrators. There have been exceptions no doubt. In the Uva, we have an ex-politician who is keeping the provincial politicians on their toes, irrespective of party politics. In the East, in an earlier era, we had an ex-military officer who provided an impartial administration. But in the current situation, we need independent Tamil or Muslim professionals who will be able to provide leadership to the people without having to be confined to their offices surrounded by security. We need professionals who will be above politics, above partisanship and who will be able to stand up both against political meddling as well as against armed groups of all types. Only such an administration can prevent militancy from raising its head once again and crucially win the hearts and minds of the civilians, who have undergone decades of harassment from various quarters.
A military presence will still be necessary but it will have to be a not-so-visible one. After years of fighting an ethnic insurgency, mindsets of the security forces will be difficult to change. A re-orientation programme will be necessary to effect a change. But there will be chauvinists and fascists who will not want that mindset to change. How the governments handles this will be crucial to the development of democracy and good governance in the region. It can be questioned how a government that has failed to build up democratic freedoms and adherence to the rule of law in the rest of the country can do in the new situation in the North.
The only hope is that political expediency will be less of a factor in the North. But we are doomed if the government succumbs to political expediency and installs an armed group there.
www island.lk
Upali Newspapers Limited, 223, Bloemendhal Road, Colombo 13, Sri Lanka, Tel +940112497500
EDITOR:
Prabath Sahabandu
Tel:+940112497574
Fax:+940112497543
E-mail:prabath@unl.upali.lkTel:+940112497567
Fax:+940112449291
E-mail:webmaster@unl.upali.lk
THE GREAT TAMIL LEADER OF SRILANKA: SIR PON. ARUNACHALAM !
Sir.Pon Ramanathan
Sir.Pon Arunachalam
Sir Ponnambalam Arunachalam:
True nationalist and patriot of Ceylon
The Sir Ponnambalam Arunachalam Memorial Oration, delivered by Dr. Brendon Gooneratne on January 19, 2009
Sir Ponnambalam Arunachalam
Ponnambalam Arunachalam was the youngest son of Gate Mudaliyar A. Ponnambalam. He was born on September 14, 1853 to a highly respected and very well-educated, professional family from Manipay.
His eldest brother Ponnambalam Coomaraswamy had a distinguished career as a Proctor and was the Nominated Tamil Member of the Ceylon Legislative Council from 1893.
The next eldest child of the family, his brother, Ponnambalam Ramanathan, an Advocate, succeeded their uncle, Sir Muttu Coomaraswamy, as the Nominated Tamil Representative, serving from 1879 to 1893, and later on from 1921 to 1924.
Ponnambalam Ramanathan was also elected to the Legislature as member for the Northern Province (Northern Division) seat and occupied it from 1924 till his death in 1930. In addition to this appointment, Ramanathan was the island’s Solicitor-General from 1893 to 1906 for a period of 13 years, acted as Attorney-General on several occasions, and retired as a pensionable officer in 1906.
Education
Both the elder brothers of Sir Ponnambalam Arunachalam were educated at the Colombo Academy (now Royal College), and then at Presidency College, Madras.
Like his older brothers Ponnambalam Arunachalam, had his early education at the Colombo Academy, but, having won the English University Scholarship in 1870, he entered Christ College, Cambridge.
He took with him a reputation as a student of exceptional merit, recommended by Sir Walter Sendall, Director of Public Instruction.
At Cambridge, he proceeded to annex the Foundation Scholarship. As a student, Ponnambalam Arunachalam was in a position to watch the changes made by Disraeli to the voting system in Britain and stored his observations for future reference.
Sir Muttu Coomaraswamy, who was Arunachalam’s mother’s brother, had been a friend of Lord Houghton, Palmerston and Disraeli, in the London of the 1860s. Disraeli’s unfinished novel, Falconet, which was published in the London Times after the author’s death in 1881, featured a character named Kusinara, ‘an inhabitant of Ceylon’, who, although a Buddhist, is thought to have been modelled upon Sir Muttu Coomaraswamy. Sir Muttu was the first Ceylon Tamil to receive a knighthood, and the first non-Christian Asian to be called to the English Bar.
Lord Houghton had this to say of him: “I held him in great esteem. He has never received due credit for the energy with which he opened the Bar of England to all Eastern subjects of the Empress of India.”
Brothers
Sir Muttu’s only son, Dr. Ananda Coomaraswamy, world-famous art critic and author, who played a pivotal role in the cultural revival of India and Ceylon, died in 1947 in Boston USA where he had worked in the Fine Arts Department for many years.
The three Ponnambalam brothers and their cousin Ananda Coomaraswamy grew up in the cultural atmosphere provided by Sir Muttu Coomaraswamy, under his kindly protection and guidance. They thrived on it.
While at Cambridge, Arunachalam distinguished himself in both Classics and Mathematics. In the records of Christ College he is referred to as ‘a brilliant mathematician and an able classics scholar’. Among his tutors at Cambridge were Fletcher Moulton (afterwards Lord Chief Justice), Professor Reid, Dr. Peile and Rev. Skeat.
He moved in some interesting circles which included the two Lyttletons, Gerald and Eustace Balfour, Professors Maitland and Foxwell, Rev. Cunningham, Lord Tennyson (eldest son of the Poet Laureate), Alexander Harris and Edward Carpenter.
Carpenter, a notable radical, cherished a warm, life-long friendship with Arunchalam and paid a most eloquent tribute to his friend after his death by publishing a selection of Arunachalam’s letters to him in a book entitled ‘Light from the East’.
Arunachalam had qualified for the Bar and was looking forward to a legal career, but on his return to Ceylon in 1875 his uncle Sir Muttu Coomaraswamy persuaded him to sit for the Civil Service examination. He did so, and his talent and academic excellence ensured that he was the first Ceylonese to enter the Civil Service through open competition.
Scholar
Arunachalam was now appointed to the Government Agent’s office in Colombo and then to a series of judicial posts in various parts of the island. This was a policy unofficially adopted by the British Government of the day, which effectively debarred outstanding Ceylonese from taking high office in Government and instead appointed them to various parts of the island in different capacities, such as District Judges, Police Magistrates and Commissioners of Requests.
Another talented person who was given the same runaround was Paul Pieris, later Sir Paul, the scholar and historian.
Sir Paul Pieris put his time in the provinces to good use, by researching and writing excellent books on successive periods of Ceylon’s history, of such distinction that he was later to become the first Asian to receive a Doctor of Letters degree from Cambridge University.
Arunachalam’s talent and hard work attracted the attention of Sir John Phear, a great Chief Justice of Ceylon, who specially commended his work to the Governor and the Secretary of State. Sir John said that only two men in Ceylon rose to the standard of what judicial officers ought to be one was Berwick, the other was Arunachalam.
When he was District Judge of Batticaloa and in the Fourth Class of the Civil Service, Sir Arthur Gordon appointed Arunachalam over the heads of about thirty seniors, among whom was Mr. (late Sir) Alexander Ashmore, to act in the office of the Registrar-General and Fiscal of the Western Province. A protest memorandum was lodged with the Secretary of State. But Sir Arthur Gordon, who obviously recognized merit when he found it, had his way and Arunachalam took office as Registrar-General.
Corruption
Arunachalam now set himself to reform the Fiscal’s office which had become a den of corruption and inefficiency. He reorganised the Departments of Land Registration and Registration of Births, Deaths and Marriages, for which he was warmly congratulated by the Governor.
The Times of Ceylon, reporting at the time Arunachalam entered the departments, on the Administration Reports on Land Registration and Vital Statistics, observed that they were places where chaos and corruption held merry sway. Fraud was rife. Dishonest deals often took precedence over genuine dealings, and everybody’s property and title were endangered. Not very different, I am afraid, from the Sri Lanka of today.
Reforms
The measure of the man may be seen in the way he set about reforming the Registrar-General’s Department.
Sitting by the side of the various clerks as they performed their tasks, he patiently learned their work before launching the reforms by which he stopped the unconscionable delays and dishonesty prevailing in the registration of deeds, and ended the practice by which official work was being conducted as a form of private practice with fees levied privately for its discharge.
He started a real record room, supplied it with a system and an index and founded a Benevolent Society which saved many a clerk from the grasp of money-lenders as well as from social disgrace and penury, paid many a widow and orphan and made clerical lives lighter and brighter.
These activities were notices by a distinguished American statistician, who informed the Governor of Ceylon that “there is not published in the entire United States a report equally valuable and comprehensive”.
Governor Sir West Ridgeway entrusted the organisation of the 1901 Census of Ceylon to Arunachalam. The report elicited the thanks of both the Governor and Secretary of State. But it was Armand de Souza, Editor of the Ceylon Morning Leader, and influential paper of the day, who wrote:
“The curious reader .... will find the Report which introduces the Census of 1901 perhaps the most luminous dissertation on the ethnological, social and economic conditions of the Island. In Sir P. Arunachalam’s Account of the history and religions of the Island in his Census Report would be found the language of Addison, the eloquence of Macaulay and the historical insight of Mommsen”.
(To be continued) dailynews.lk
POLITICAL SOLUTION NOW!!! INDIA AND INTL COMMUNITY DEMAND IT !!!
Political solution The next target
Haridas RAMAKRISHNAN
Will the capture of rebels’ final bastion signal the end of the long-pending conflict? The common opinion is that the rebels will go ahead with terrorist activities even the war is declared over.
A Sri Lankan military victory over the LTTE is necessary for any chance of peace coming to fruition in Sri Lanka. Only with the LTTE gone as a military force from the island nation does Sri Lanka in general and Sri Lankan Tamils in particular have a chance for a peaceful and prosperous future.
Tamils will need to be full citizens of Sri Lanka
With support from other nations including apparently tacit help from India, Sri Lankan military seems to be in the final stages of military victory over the LTTE.
This is good news for Sri Lanka, Sri Lankan Tamils, and Sri Lanka as a nation, India, and even rest of the world as well. the LTTE is not a force that can be negotiated with. But it is almost guaranteed that even if the LTTE is militarily defeated, it will remain as a terrorist organization and continue to pose threat to Sri Lanka and India.
Needless to say, it is Sri Lanka’s responsibility to take care of the Tamil civilians during the conflict. But it is pathetic on the part of some Tamil Nadu leaders to act as mouthpieces of the LTTE. We cannot treat the LTTE anything but as a murderous terrorist organization.
But one must keep in mind that it was the Sinhalese chauvinism that started the situation between Tamils and Sinhalese majority in the first place, i.e. many decades back.
Now that the LTTE is getting defeated, it is time for Sri Lanka to pick up the pieces of peace negotiations with Tamils there and work for a political settlement of the issue. Sri Lanka with the help of India need to nurture moderate Tamil leadership in Sri Lanka to represent Tamil interests in Sri Lanka.
There have to be two broad agreements on the issue between the parties. One is that Sri Lanka will need to remain as a united country.
Second is that Tamils will need to be full citizens of Sri Lanka with all the associated rights, like any Sinhala citizen. Tamil needs to be treated as a major and official language of Sri Lanka along with Sinhala. Also, Sri Lanka should work towards some form of acceptable autonomy for Tamil areas.
It is possible that once the military threat from the LTTE is gone, Sri Lankan military and political class may develop a thinking that the issue can be put in the backburner and the issue may die down.
This is not going to happen. This is the historic opportunity for Sri Lanka to rebuild the nation and heal ethnic divides.
The political process has to happen even before the military campaign dies down. It is in the interests of India and rest of the world to see a peaceful solution to the Tamil issue in Sri Lanka. India is a legitimate party on the issue because it affects India directly.
DAILYNEWS.LK
Haridas RAMAKRISHNAN
Will the capture of rebels’ final bastion signal the end of the long-pending conflict? The common opinion is that the rebels will go ahead with terrorist activities even the war is declared over.
A Sri Lankan military victory over the LTTE is necessary for any chance of peace coming to fruition in Sri Lanka. Only with the LTTE gone as a military force from the island nation does Sri Lanka in general and Sri Lankan Tamils in particular have a chance for a peaceful and prosperous future.
Tamils will need to be full citizens of Sri Lanka
With support from other nations including apparently tacit help from India, Sri Lankan military seems to be in the final stages of military victory over the LTTE.
This is good news for Sri Lanka, Sri Lankan Tamils, and Sri Lanka as a nation, India, and even rest of the world as well. the LTTE is not a force that can be negotiated with. But it is almost guaranteed that even if the LTTE is militarily defeated, it will remain as a terrorist organization and continue to pose threat to Sri Lanka and India.
Needless to say, it is Sri Lanka’s responsibility to take care of the Tamil civilians during the conflict. But it is pathetic on the part of some Tamil Nadu leaders to act as mouthpieces of the LTTE. We cannot treat the LTTE anything but as a murderous terrorist organization.
But one must keep in mind that it was the Sinhalese chauvinism that started the situation between Tamils and Sinhalese majority in the first place, i.e. many decades back.
Now that the LTTE is getting defeated, it is time for Sri Lanka to pick up the pieces of peace negotiations with Tamils there and work for a political settlement of the issue. Sri Lanka with the help of India need to nurture moderate Tamil leadership in Sri Lanka to represent Tamil interests in Sri Lanka.
There have to be two broad agreements on the issue between the parties. One is that Sri Lanka will need to remain as a united country.
Second is that Tamils will need to be full citizens of Sri Lanka with all the associated rights, like any Sinhala citizen. Tamil needs to be treated as a major and official language of Sri Lanka along with Sinhala. Also, Sri Lanka should work towards some form of acceptable autonomy for Tamil areas.
It is possible that once the military threat from the LTTE is gone, Sri Lankan military and political class may develop a thinking that the issue can be put in the backburner and the issue may die down.
This is not going to happen. This is the historic opportunity for Sri Lanka to rebuild the nation and heal ethnic divides.
The political process has to happen even before the military campaign dies down. It is in the interests of India and rest of the world to see a peaceful solution to the Tamil issue in Sri Lanka. India is a legitimate party on the issue because it affects India directly.
DAILYNEWS.LK
Friday, January 30, 2009
TAMILNAADU JOURNALIST BURNED HIMSELF TO PROTEST INDIA'S INABILITY TO SAVE TAMILS IN SRILANKA!!! AND SENSELESS SUPPORT TO BRUTAL SINHALA REGIME!!!
роироо் роЗрооெропிро▓் роХுро┤ுро╡ிро▓் роЗро░ுрои்род, рооுрод்родுроХுрооро░ройிрой் роХроЯைроЪி роЗрооெропிро▓் ро╡рои்род роиேро░роо் роХாро▓ை 7.40
роЗро▓роЩ்роХைропிро▓் родрооிро┤ро░்роХро│் рокроЯுроХொро▓ை роЪெроп்ропрок்рокроЯுро╡родைроХ் роХрог்роЯிрод்родு, роЪெрой்ройைропிро▓் роЗрой்ро▒ு родீроХ்роХுро│ிрод்родு рооро░рогроороЯைрои்род роироо் роЕро░ுрооைроЪ் роЪроХோродро░рой் рооுрод்родுроХ்роХுрооாро░ிрой் рооро░рог ро╡ாроХ்роХுрооூро▓роо் роЗродு.
_роЖродிроЪிро╡роо்
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
родீроХ்роХுро│ிроХ்роХுроо் рооுрой்ройро░் рооுрод்родுроХுрооாро░ிрой் роЗро▒ுродி роЕро▒ிроХ்роХை!
родீроХ்роХுро│ிроХ்роХрок் рокோро╡родро▒்роХு роЪிро▓ роиிрооிроЯроЩ்роХро│ுроХ்роХு рооுрой்рокு рооுрод்родுроХ்роХுрооாро░் ро╡ிройிропோроХிрод்род родுрог்роЯு роЕро▒ிроХ்роХைропிрой் ро╡ிрокро░роо் ро╡ро░ுрооாро▒ு:
ро╡ிродிропே ро╡ிродிропே роОрой்роЪெроп் роиிройைрод்родிроЯ்роЯாроп் роОрой் родрооிро┤் роЪாродிропை...
роЕрой்рокாро░்рои்род роЙро┤ைроХ்роХுроо் родрооிро┤்роороХ்роХро│ே...
роОрой் рокெропро░் рооுрод்родுроХ்роХுрооாро░். рокрод்родிро░ிроХைропாро│ро░் рооро▒்ро▒ுроо் роЙродро╡ி роЗропроХ்роХுроиро░். родро▒்роЪрооропроо் роЪெрой்ройைропிро▓் роЙро│்ро│ рокрод்родிро░ிроХை роТрой்ро▒ிро▓் ро╡ேро▓ை роЪெроп்родு ро╡ро░ுроХிро▒ேрой். роЙроЩ்роХро│ைрок்рокோро▓் родாрой் роиாройுроо். родிройрооுроо் роЪெроп்родிрод்родாро│ைропுроо், роЗрогைропрод்родைропுроо் рокாро░்род்родு рокாро░்род்родு, родிройроо் родிройроо் роХொро▓்ро▓рок்рокроЯ்роЯு ро╡ро░ுроо் роОроо் роЪроХ родрооிро┤ро░்роХро│ைроХ் роХрог்роЯு роЪாрок்рокிроЯ рооுроЯிропாрооро▓், родூроЩ்роХ рооுроЯிропாрооро▓், ропோроЪிроХ்роХ рооுроЯிропாрооро▓் родро╡ிроХ்роХுроо் роОрод்родройைропோ рокேро░ிро▓் роТро░ு роЪாрооாройிропрой். ро╡рои்родாро░ை ро╡ாро┤ ро╡ைроХ்роХுроо் роЪெрои்родрооிро┤் роиாроЯ்роЯிро▓் роЪேроЯ்роЯு роОрой்ро▒ுроо், роЪேроЯ்роЯройெрой்ро▒ுроо் ро╡рои்родро╡ройெро▓்ро▓ாроо் ро╡ாро┤, роЪொрои்род ро░род்родроо் роИро┤род்родிро▓் роЪாроХிро▒родு. роЕродைрод் родроЯுрод்родு роиிро▒ுрод்родுроЩ்роХро│் роОрой்ро▒ு роХுро░ро▓் роХொроЯுрод்родாро▓், роЖроо் роОрой்ро▒ோ роЗро▓்ро▓ை роОрой்ро▒ோ роОрои்род рокродிро▓ுроо் роЪொро▓்ро▓ாрооро▓் роХро│்ро│ рооௌройроо் роЪாродிроХ்роХிро▒родு роЗрои்родிроп роПроХாродிрокрод்родிропроо். роЗрои்родிропாро╡ிрой் рокோро░் роЮாропрооாройродெрой்ро▒ாро▓் роЕродை ро╡ெро│ிрок்рокроЯைропாроХроЪ் роЪெроп்роп ро╡ேрог்роЯிропродுродாройே.. роПрой் родிро░ுроЯ்роЯுрод்родройрооாроХ роЪெроп்роп ро╡ேрог்роЯுроо்?
ро░ாроЬீро╡்роХாрои்родிропைроХ் роХொрой்ро▒ாро░்роХро│் роОрой்ро▒ роЪொрод்родை ро╡ாродрод்родை ро╡ைрод்родுроХ்роХொрог்роЯு, роЪிро▓ родройிроирокро░்роХро│ிрой் рокро▓ிро╡ாроЩ்роХро▓் роЪுропроиро▓ роиோроХ்роХроЩ்роХро│ுроХ்роХாроХ роТро░ு рокெро░ுроо் роороХ்роХро│் роЪрооூроХрод்родைропே роХொрой்ро▒ு роХுро╡ிроХ்роХрод் родுроЯிроХ்роХிро▒родு роЗрои்родிроп роЕродிроХாро░ ро╡ро░்роХ்роХроо். ро░ாроЬீро╡் роХாрои்родி роХொро▓ைропிро▓் ро╡ிроЯுродро▓ைрок்рокுро▓ிроХро│் роороЯ்роЯுроо் роХுро▒்ро▒роо்роЪாроЯ்роЯрок்рокроЯро╡ிро▓்ро▓ை. родрооிро┤роХ роороХ்роХро│ைропுроо் роХுро▒்ро▒ро╡ாро│ிроХро│் роОрой்ро▒ு роХுро▒்ро▒роо்роЪாроЯ்роЯிропродு роЬெропிрой் роХрооிро╖рой் роЕро▒ிроХ்роХை. роЕрок்рокроЯிропாройாро▓் роиீроЩ்роХро│ுроо் ро░ாроЬீро╡்роХாрои்родிропைроХ் роХொро▓ை роЪெроп்род роХொро▓ைроХாро░ро░்роХро│்родாройா?
роЬாро▓ிропрой் ро╡ாро▓ாрокாроХ்роХிро▓் ро╡ெро│்ро│ைропрой் роХொрой்ро▒ாрой் роОрой்ро▒ாро░்роХро│ே, роЗро╡ро░்роХро│் рооுро▓்ро▓ைрод் родீро╡ிро▓ுроо் ро╡рой்ройிропிро▓ுроо் роЪெроп்ро╡родெрой்рой? роЕроЩ்роХு роХொро▓்ро▓рок்рокроЯுроо் роХுро┤рои்родைроХро│ைрок் рокாро░ுроЩ்роХро│். роЙроЩ்роХро│் роХுро┤рои்родைроХро│் роиிройைро╡ு ро╡ро░ро╡ிро▓்ро▓ைропா? роХро▒்рокро┤ிроХ்роХрок்рокроЯுроо் рокெрог்роХро│ைрок் рокாро░ுроЩ்роХро│். роЙроЩ்роХро│ுроХ்роХு роЕродுрокோрой்ро▒ ро╡ропродிро▓் роТро░ு родроЩ்роХைропோ, роЕроХ்роХாро╡ோ роЗро▓்ро▓ைропா? ро░ாроЬீро╡் роХொро▓்ро▓рок்рокроЯ்роЯрокோродு роХாроЩ்роХிро░роЪிрой் рооுроХ்роХிроп родро▓ைро╡ро░்роХро│் роПрой் роЕро╡ро░ுроЯрой் роЗро▓்ро▓ை, роХூроЯ்роЯрогிроХ் роХроЯ்роЪிрод் родро▓ைро╡ிропாрой роЬெропро▓ро▓ிродா, родрооிро┤்роиாроЯ்роЯிро▓் ро░ாроЬீро╡் роХро▓рои்родுроХொро│்ро│ுроо் роЖроХрок்рокெро░ிроп рокொродுроХ்роХூроЯ்роЯрод்родிро▓் роПрой் рокроЩ்роХெроЯுроХ்роХрокோроХро╡ிро▓்ро▓ை роОрой்рокродுрокோрой்ро▒ роХேро│்ро╡ிроХро│் роХேроЯ்роХрок்рокроЯாрооро▓ுроо், роЗро╡ро░்роХро│ாро▓் рокродிро▓் роЪொро▓்ро▓рок்рокроЯாрооро▓ுроо் роХிроЯроХ்роХிрой்ро▒рой. роороХ்роХро│ே ропோроЪிропுроЩ்роХро│். роЗро╡ро░்роХро│்родாрой் роЙроЩ்роХро│் родро▓ைро╡ро░்роХро│ா? рокрогроо், роЕроЯிропாро│் рокро▓роо் роЖроХிропро╡ро▒்ро▒ைроХ் роХொрог்роЯு рооிро░роЯ்роЯро▓் роЕро░роЪிропро▓் роироЯрод்родி ро╡ро░ுроо் роЗро╡ро░்роХро│் роиாро│ை роироо்рооீродே рокாроп рооாроЯ்роЯாро░்роХро│் роОрой்рокродро▒்роХு роОрой்рой роиிроЪ்роЪропроо்? роЕрок்рокроЯி рокாроп்рои்родாро▓் ропாро░் роироо் рокроХ்роХроо் роЗро░ுроХ்роХிро▒ாро░்роХро│்?
роХро▓ைроЮро░ா? роиாроЯாро│ுроорой்ро▒ роЙро▒ுрок்рокிройро░்роХро│் ро░ாроЬிройாрооா роЪெроп்ро╡ாро░்роХро│் роОрой்ро▒ு роЕрок்рокொро┤ுродுроо் роЕро╡ро░் роЕро▒ிро╡ிрок்рокாро░். рокிро▒роХு, роород்родிроп роЕро░роЪைрок் рокுро░ிрои்родுроХொро│்ро╡ாро░்(?!). рокிро▒роХு рооро▒ுрокроЯி роЪро░ிропாрой рооுроЯிро╡ை роОроЯுроХ்роХ ро╡ேрог்роЯி роЪроЯ்роЯроорой்ро▒род்родிро▓் родீро░்рооாройроо் роиிро▒ைро╡ேро▒்ро▒ுро╡ாро░் - роЗрои்род рооாроЪроо், роЗрои்род ро╡ாро░роо், роЗродுро╡ро░ைроХ்роХுроо் роОрой்рой роОро╡ройுроо் родொроЯ்роЯродிро▓்ро▓ роОрой்роХிро▒ ро╡ிрой்ройро░் рокроЯ ро╡роЯிро╡ேро▓் роХாрооெроЯிропைрок் рокோро▓. роХாроХிродроо் роОродைропுроо் роЪாродிроХ்роХாродு роороХ்роХро│ே! роЗрок்рокொро┤ுродு, роЙро▓роХрод் родрооிро┤ிройрод் родро▓ைро╡ро░் роОрой்ро▒ рокроЯ்роЯрок்рокெропро░ைроЪ் роЪூроЯிроХ்роХொро│்ро│ро╡ுроо், родрооிро┤்роиாроЯ்роЯிро▓் роЗро░ுроХ்роХுроо் рокрогрод்родைропெро▓்ро▓ாроо் родрой் роХுроЯுроо்рокрод்родிро▒்роХே роЙро░ிрод்родாроХ்роХро╡ுроо் ро╡ிро░ுроо்рокுроХிро▒ родேро░்родро▓் роХாро▓род் родрооிро┤ро░் роХро▓ைроЮро░் роороХ்роХро│ிрой் роХோрокрод்родை роОродிро░்роХொро│்ро│ рокропрои்родு рооро░ுрод்родுро╡рооройைропிро▓் рокோроп் роТро│ிрои்родுроХொрог்роЯுро│்ро│ாро░். родройродு роорои்родிро░ிроХро│ுроХ்роХு роЕро╡роЪிропрок்рокроЯ்роЯ родுро▒ைроХро│ுроХ்роХாроХ роЪрог்роЯрок்рокிро░роЪрог்роЯроо் роЪெроп்родு роЪродிро░ாроЯிроп роЗрои்род роЪூро░рок்рокுро▓ி роЙрог்рооைропிро▓் родрооிро┤ுроХ்роХாроХро╡ோ, родрооிро┤ро░ுроХ்роХாроХро╡ோ роЪெроп்родродெрой்рой? роТро░ுрооுро▒ை роЕро╡ро░ே роЪொрой்ройாро░், ''родேройெроЯுрод்родро╡рой் рокுро▒роЩ்роХைропை роироХ்роХாрооро▓ா роЗро░ுрок்рокா"ройெрой்ро▒ு. роЗро╡ро░ுроЯைроп рокроо்рооро▓ாроЯ்роЯрод்родைропெро▓்ро▓ாроо் рокாро░்род்родாро▓் ро░ொроо்рокро╡ே роироХ்роХிропிро░ுрок்рокாро░் рокோро▓ிро░ுроХ்роХிро▒ேродே...
рокроЯ்роЯிройிрок் рокோро░ாроЯ்роЯрод்родிрой் рооூро▓роо் роХро│роо் роЗро▒роЩ்роХிропிро░ுроХ்роХுроо் роЪроЯ்роЯроХ்роХро▓்ро▓ூро░ி рооாрогро╡ро░்роХро│ே... роЙроЩ்роХро│் рокோро░ாроЯ்роЯроо் ро╡ெро▒்ро▒ிрокெро▒ роЪроХродрооிро┤ройாроХ роиிрой்ро▒ு ро╡ாро┤்род்родுроХிро▒ேрой். роЙроЩ்роХро│ோроЯு роХро│роо் роЗро▒роЩ்роХ рооுроЯிропாрооைроХ்роХுроо் ро╡ро░ுрои்родுроХிро▒ேрой். роИро┤род் родрооிро┤ро░் рокிро░роЪ்ройை роОрой்ро▒ிро▓்ро▓ை, роХாро╡ிро░ிропிро▓் родрог்рогீро░் ро╡ிроЯроЪ்роЪொро▓்ро▓ுроо் рокோро░ாроЯ்роЯрооெрой்ро▒ாро▓ுроо் роЪро░ி, родрооிро┤்роиாроЯ்роЯிро▒்роХாродро╡ро░ாрой рокோро░ாроЯ்роЯроо் роОродுро╡ாроХ роЗро░ுрои்родாро▓ுроо் роЪро░ி, рооுродро▓ிро▓் роХро│роо் роХாрог்рокро╡ро░்роХро│் роиீроЩ்роХро│், ро╡ро┤роХ்роХро▒ிроЮро░்роХро│ுроо்родாрой். роЗрои்род рооுро▒ைропுроо் роиாрой்роХு рооாродроЩ்роХро│ுроХ்роХு рооுрой்рокாроХро╡ே роХро│род்родிро▓் роЗро▒роЩ்роХிропро╡ро░்роХро│் роЗрои்род роЗро░рог்роЯு родро░рок்рокுроо்родாрой். роЙроЩ்роХро│ுроЯைроп роЗрои்род роЙрогро░்ро╡ை рооро┤ுроЩ்роХроЯிроХ்роХро╡ே родிроЯ்роЯрооிроЯ்роЯு роЗрои்родிроп роЙро│ро╡ுрод்родுро▒ை роЬாродிроп роЙрогро░்ро╡ைрод் родூрог்роЯிро╡ிроЯ்роЯு, роЕроо்рокேрод்роХро░் роЪроЯ்роЯроХ்роХро▓்ро▓ூро░ி роЕройро░்род்родрод்родிро▒்роХு ро╡ро┤ிро╡роХுрод்родிро░ுроХ்роХро▓ாроо் роОрой்рокродு роОрой் роЪрои்родேроХроо். роЙро▓роХроо் рооுро┤ுроХ்роХ роороХ்роХро│ுроХ்роХாрой рокுро░роЯ்роЪிроХро░рок் рокோро░ாроЯ்роЯроЩ்роХро│ிро▓் рооுрой்роХைропெроЯுрок்рокро╡ро░்роХро│ாроХ роЗро░ுрои்родродு рооாрогро╡ро░்роХро│் роОрой்роХிро▒ роЬாродிродாрой். роЕродேрокோро▓், родрооிро┤்роиாроЯ்роЯிро▓ுроо் роЙроЩ்роХро│ுроХ்роХு рооுрои்родிроп родро▓ைрооுро▒ைропொрой்ро▒ு роЗродுрокோрой்ро▒ роТро░ு роЪூро┤ро▓ிро▓், роЗродுрокோро▓் роХுроЯிропро░роЪு родிройрод்родிро▒்роХு рооுрой்рокு роХро│роо் роХрог்роЯுродாрой் роХாроЩ்роХிро░ро╕் роЙро│்ро│ிроЯ்роЯ родேроЪிропроХ் роХроЯ்роЪிроХро│ைрод் родрооிро┤் роорог்рогிро▓ிро░ுрои்родு ро╡ிро░роЯ்роЯிропроЯிрод்родродு.
роЖроХ, ро╡ро░ро▓ாро▒்ро▒ு рооுроХ்роХிропрод்родுро╡роо் ро╡ாроп்рои்род роТро░ு родро░ுрогроо் роЙроЩ்роХро│் роХைроХро│ுроХ்роХு рооро▒ுрокроЯிропுроо் ро╡рои்родு роЪேро░்рои்родிро░ுроХ்роХிро▒родு. рокொродுро╡ாроХ роЙро▓роХ роЪро░ிрод்родிро░род்родிро▓் роЗрок்рокроЯிропெро▓்ро▓ாроо் роироЯрок்рокродிро▓்ро▓ை. роХроЯрои்род рооுро▒ை роироЯрои்родродுрокோро▓், роЙроЩ்роХро│் рокோро░ாроЯ்роЯрод்родிрой் рокро▓рой்роХро│ை роЪுропроиро▓рооிроХро│் родிро░ுроЯிроХ்роХொро│்ро│ ро╡ிроЯ்роЯுро╡ிроЯாродீро░்роХро│். рокோро░ாроЯ்роЯрод்родிрой் рокро▓рой்роХро│ை роЕрокроХро░ிрод்родு роЖроЯ்роЪிроХ்роХு ро╡рои்род родி.рооு.роХ. рооுродро▓ிро▓் роЪெроп்род ро╡ிроЪропроо் рооாрогро╡ро░்роХро│் роЕро░роЪிропро▓் роИроЯுрокாроЯு роХொро│்ро│роХ்роХூроЯாродு роОрой роЪроЯ்роЯроо் рокோроЯ்роЯродுродாрой். роЖроЯ்роЪிроХ்роХு ро╡рои்род роЕродு, родрооிро┤ிрой роЙрогро░்ро╡ுроХро│ை рооро┤ுроЩ்роХроЯிрод்родு, роТроЯ்роЯுрооொрод்род родрооிро┤ிройрод்родைропுроо் роороХроЬро░் роХொроЯுроХ்роХுроо் роЬாродிропாроХ рооாро▒்ро▒ிропродு. роЕрои்род рооро░рокை роЕроЯிрод்родு роЙроЯைропுроЩ்роХро│். рооройு роХொроЯுроХ்роХроЪ் роЪொро▓்рокро╡рой் роОро╡ройாроХ роЗро░ுрои்родாро▓ுроо், роЕро╡ройை роироо்рокாродீро░்роХро│். роироороХ்роХுро│்ро│ிро░ுроХ்роХுроо் роЬாродி, роородроо் рокோрой்ро▒ ро╡ேро▒ுрокாроЯுроХро│ை роОро░ிрод்родுроХ்роХொро│்ро│ роЗродுродாрой் родро░ுрогроо். роЙрог்рогாро╡ிро░родрод்родைропெро▓்ро▓ாроо் родூроХ்роХிропெро▒ிрои்родுро╡ிроЯ்роЯு роХро│роо் роХாрогுроЩ்роХро│். роЙрог்рооைропிро▓், роЗро▓роЩ்роХைропிро▓் роЗрои்родிроп ро░ாрогுро╡ роироЯро╡роЯிроХ்роХை роОрой்рокродு родрооிро┤ро░்роХро│ுроХ்роХெродிро░ாройродு роороЯ்роЯுрооро▓்ро▓. роТроЯ்роЯுрооொрод்род роЗрои்родிропро░்роХро│ுроХ்роХுрооே роОродிро░ாройродு. роЪிроЩ்роХро│роЪ் роЪிрок்рокாроп்роХро│ிроЯроо் роХро▒்ро▒ுроХ்роХொро│்роХிро▒ рокாро▓ிропро▓் роиுрогுроХ்роХроЩ்роХро│ைрод்родாройே роЕро╡ро░்роХро│் роЕроЪாрооிро▓் роЕрок்рокாро╡ிрок் рокெрог்роХро│ிроЯроо் рокро░ிроЪோродிрод்родுрок் рокாро░்род்родாро░்роХро│்! ро╡ிроЯுродро▓ைрок்рокுро▓ிроХро│ை роТроЯுроХ்роХுро╡родро▒்роХாрой роЪிроЩ்роХро│ ро╡рой்рооுро▒ை роиுрогுроХ்роХроЩ்роХро│ைроХ் роХро▒்ро▒ுроХ்роХொрог்роЯு ро╡роЯроХிро┤роХ்роХு рооாроиிро▓рок் рокோро░ாро│ிроХро│ிроЯроо் рокропрой்рокроЯுрод்родிроХ் роХூро░் рокாро░்род்родாро░்роХро│்! рокோродாродро▒்роХு, ро╣ைроЯ்роЯிропிро▓் роЪрооாродாройрок் рокрогிроХ்роХாроХ роЕройுрок்рокрок்рокроЯ்роЯ роР.роиா.ро╡ிрой் ро░ாрогுро╡род்родிро▓ிро░ுрои்родு роЗрои்родிроп рооро▒்ро▒ுроо் роЗро▓роЩ்роХை ро░ாрогுро╡роо் роЕро╡ро░ро╡ро░்роХро│ுроЯைроп рокாро▓ிропро▓் роироЯро╡роЯிроХ்роХைроХро│ுроХ்роХாроХ роЕроЯிрод்родுрод் родுро░род்родрок்рокроЯ்роЯிро░ுрок்рокродிро▓ிро░ுрои்родு роОрой்рой родெро░ிроХிро▒родு - роЗрои்родроХ் роХூроЯ்роЯрогி роХொро│்роХைроХ்роХ்роХூроЯ்роЯрогிропро▓்ро▓, рокாро▓ிропро▓் роХூроЯ்роЯрогி роОрой்ро▒ро▓்ро▓ро╡ா!, роЖроХ роЗрои்родிроп - роЗро▓роЩ்роХை роЗро░ாрогுро╡роХ் роХூроЯ்роЯு роОрой்рокродு роЗрои்родிропро░்роХро│ிрой் роЕроЯிрок்рокроЯை рооройிрод роЙро░ிрооைроХро│ுроХ்роХுроо் роХூроЯ роОродிро░ாройродாроХ роЗро░ுрок்рокродாро▓், роЕроХிро▓ роЗрои்родிроп роЕро│ро╡ிро▓் рооாрогро╡ро░்роХро│், роЬройроиாропроХ роЕрооைрок்рокுроХро│ைропுроо் роЙроЩ்роХро│் рокிрой்ройாро▓் родிро░роЯ்роЯுроЩ்роХро│்.
роЗродைропெро▓்ро▓ாроо் роороХ்роХро│ே роЪெроп்роп рооுроЯிропுроо். роЖройாро▓், роЕро╡ро░்роХро│் роЪро░ிропாрой родро▓ைрооை роЗро▓்ро▓ாрооро▓் роЗро░ுроХ்роХிро▒ாро░்роХро│். роЙроЩ்роХро│் роород்родிропிро▓ிро░ுрои்родு родро▓ைро╡ро░்роХро│ை роЙро░ுро╡ாроХ்роХுроХро│். роЙроЩ்роХро│் рокோро░ாроЯ்роЯрод்родை роЪроЯ்роЯроХ்роХро▓்ро▓ூро░ி рооாрогро╡ро░்роХро▓் роОрой்ро▒ роЗроЯрод்родிро▓ிро░ுрои்родு роЕройைрод்родு рооாрогро╡ро░்роХро│் роОрой்ро▒ு рооாро▒்ро▒ுроЩ்роХро│். роЙроЩ்роХро│ிроЯрооிро░ுроХ்роХுроо் ро╡ேроХрооுроо், роороХ்роХро│ிроЯрооிро░ுроХ்роХுроо் роХோрокрооுроо் роЗрогைрои்родு родрооிро┤роХ ро╡ро░ро▓ாро▒்ро▒ை роЕроЯிропோроЯு рооாро▒்ро▒роЯ்роЯுроо். роЖрой்рокро▓роо், рокрогрокро▓роо், роЕродிроХாро░ ро╡ெро▒்ро▒ிропை роЙроЯைрод்родு роОро▒ிропுроЩ்роХро│். роЙроЩ்роХро│ாро▓் роороЯ்роЯுрооே роЗродு рооுроЯிропுроо். 'роиாроЩ்роХро│் родрооிро┤் рооாрогро╡ро░்роХро│், родрооிро┤்роиாроЯ்роЯிрой் роЙропிро░ாройро╡ро░்роХро│், роЗроЩ்роХு родрооிро┤ிройроо் роЕрооைродிроХொрог்роЯிро░ுрои்родாро▓் роПроЯுроХро│் родூроХ்роХி рокроЯிрок்рокோроо். роОроЩ்роХро│் родрооிро┤ро░்роХ்роХிрой்ройро▓் ро╡ிро│ைрои்родாро▓் роОро░ிрооро▓ைропாроХி ро╡ெроЯிрок்рокோроо்' роОрой்ро▒ роХாроЪி роЕройрои்родройிрой் рокாроЯро▓ை роУро░் роЕро▒ிро╡ாропுродрооாроХ роПрои்родுроЩ்роХро│்.. роОрой் роЙроЯро▓ை роХாро╡ро▓்родுро▒ை роЕроЯроХ்роХроо் роЪெроп்родுро╡ிроЯ рооுропро▓ுроо். ро╡ிроЯாродீро░்роХро│். роОрой் рокிрогрод்родைроХ் роХைрок்рокро▒்ро▒ி, роЕродை рокுродைроХ்роХாрооро▓் роТро░ு родுро░ுрок்рокுроЪ் роЪீроЯ்роЯாроХ ро╡ைрод்родிро░ுрои்родு рокோро░ாроЯ்роЯрод்родைроХ் роХூро░்рооைрок்рокроЯுрод்родுроЩ்роХро│். роОройроХ்роХு роЪிроХிроЪ்роЪைропோ, рокோро╕்роЯ்рооாро░்роЯрооோ роЪெроп்ропрок்рокோроХுроо் родрооிро┤்роиாроЯு рооро░ுрод்родுро╡роХ் роХро▓்ро▓ூро░ி рооாрогро╡ро░்роХро│ே.. роЙроЩ்роХро│் роХைропாро▓் роЕро▒ுрокроЯ роиாрой் рокுрог்рогிропроо் роЪெроп்родிро░ுроХ்роХ ро╡ேрог்роЯுроо். роХாро░рогроо், роЕроХிро▓ роЗрои்родிроп роЕро│ро╡ிро▓், рооро░ுрод்родுро╡роХ் роХро▓்ро╡ிропிро▓் роЗроЯ роТродுроХ்роХீроЯ்роЯுроХ்роХு роОродிро░ாроХ роЙропро░்роЪாродி рооாрогро╡ро░்роХро│் рокோро░ாроЯிроХ்роХொрог்роЯிро░ுроХ்роХ, родрой்ройрои்родройிропாроХ роиிрой்ро▒ு, рооро░ுрод்родுро╡роХ் роХро▓்ро╡ிропிро▓் роЗроЯроТродுроХ்роХீроЯ்роЯுроХ்роХு роЖродро░ро╡ாроХрок் рокோро░ாроЯிропро░்роХро│ро▓்ро▓ро╡ா роиீроЩ்роХро│்? роОройроХ்роХு роЪெроп்ро╡родெро▓்ро▓ாроо் роЗро░ுроХ்роХроЯ்роЯுроо். роироо் роЪроХோродро░ро░்роХро│ாрой роИро┤род்родрооிро┤ро░்роХро│ுроХ்роХு роЙроЩ்роХро│் рокроЩ்роХுроХ்роХு роОрой்рой роЪெроп்ропрок் рокோроХிро▒ீро░்роХро│்?
родрооிро┤ீро┤роо் роОрой்рокродு родрооீро┤род்родிрой் родேро╡ை роороЯ்роЯுрооே роЕро▓்ро▓, роЕродு родрооிро┤роХрод்родிрой் родேро╡ைропுроо் роХூроЯ роХாро░рогроо், роЗро░ாрооேро╕்ро╡ро░роо் рооீройро╡ро░்роХро│், роЙро▓роХிро▓் роЖроЯு, рооாроЯுроХро│ைрок் рокாродுроХாрок்рокродро▒்роХுроХ் роХூроЯ роЪроЯ்роЯрооுроо், роЕрооைрок்рокுроХро│ுроо் роЗро░ுроХ்роХிрой்ро▒рой. роЗро░ாрооேро╕்ро╡ро░роо் родрооிро┤ройுроо், роИро┤род்родрооிро┤ройுроо் рооாроЯ்роЯைро╡ிроЯ, роЖроЯ்роЯைро╡ிроЯроХ் роХேро╡ро▓рооாройро╡ро░்роХро│்? роОро▓்ро▓ை родாрог்роЯி рокோроХுроо் рооீройро╡ро░்роХро│், рокுро▓ிроХро│் роОрой்ро▒ роЪрои்родேроХрод்родிрой் рокேро░ிро▓் родாроХ்роХрок்рокроЯ்роЯு ро╡ро░ுро╡родாроХ роЗрои்родிроп рооீроЯிропா родிроЯ்роЯрооிроЯ்роЯு рокிро░роЪ்роЪாро░роо் роЪெроп்родு ро╡ро░ுроХிро▒родு. роЗро╡ро░்роХро│ெро▓்ро▓ாроо் роЪெроп்родிрод்родாро│ே рокроЯிрок்рокродிро▓்ро▓ைропா? роЪெрой்ройைропிрой் роХроЯро▒்роХро░ைроХро│ிро▓் роЕроЯிроХ்роХроЯி родைро╡ாрой் роиாроЯ்роЯை роЪேро░்рои்род рооீройро╡ро░்роХро│் ро╡ро┤ிродெро░ிропாрооро▓் ро╡рои்род்ро╡ро░்роХро│் роОрой்ро▒ு роХைродு роЪெроп்ропрок்рокроЯுроХிро▒ாро░்роХро│். рокро▓ роЖропிро░роХ்роХрогроХ்роХாрой роХிро▓ோрооீроЯ்роЯро░்роХро│் родூро░род்родிро▓ிро░ுроХ்роХுроо் родைро╡ாрой் рооீройро╡рой் ро╡ро┤ிродро╡ро▒ рооுроЯிропுрооெрой்ро▒ா, ро╡ெро▒ுроо் рокрой்ройிро░ெрог்роЯு рооைро▓் родூро░род்родிро▒்роХுро│் роЗро░ாрооேро╕்ро╡ро░роо் родрооிро┤рой் ро╡ро┤ிродро╡ро▒ுро╡родு роироо்рокுро╡родு рооாродிро░ிропிро▓்ро▓ைропாрооா?
родрооிро┤்роиாроЯ்роЯிро▓் ро╡ாро┤்рои்родு ро╡ро░ுроо் ро╡ெро│ிрооாроиிро▓роЩ்роХро│ைроЪ் роЪேро░்рои்род роЪроХோродро░்роХро│ே...
роЙроЩ்роХро│் роЪொрои்род рооாроиிро▓род்родிро▓் роХூроЯ роЗро▓்ро▓ாрод роиிроо்роородிропோроЯுроо், рокாродுроХாрок்рокோроЯுроо் ро╡ாро┤роХ்роХூроЯிроп рооாроиிро▓роо் родрооிро┤்роиாроЯு родாрой் роОрой்рокродு роЙроЩ்роХро│ுроХ்роХு роЕройுрокро╡род்родாро▓் родெро░ிрои்родிро░ுроХ்роХுроо். роиாроЩ்роХро│் роЗрой்ро▒ு рокெро░ுроо் роЗроХ்роХроЯ்роЯை роОродிро░்роиோроХ்роХிропிро░ுроХ்роХிро▒ோроо். роИро┤род்родிро▓ிро░ுрои்родுроХ்роХுроо் роОроЩ்роХро│் роЪроХோродро░ро░்роХро│் роЗрои்родிропро░் роОрой்ройுроо் роироо் рокெропро░ைрок் рокропрой்рокроЯுрод்родிродாрой் роироо் роЕро░роЪாро▓் роХொро▓ை роЪெроп்ропрок்рокроЯுроХிро▒ாро░்роХро│். роЗрои்родрок் рокோро░ாроЯ்роЯрод்родிро▓் роиாроЩ்роХро│் родройிрод்родுро╡ிроЯрок்рокроЯுро╡родை роЗрои்родிроп роЕро░роЪு ро╡ிро░ுроо்рокுроХிро▒родு. роЕрок்рокроЯி роЖроХ்роХроХ்роХூроЯாродெрой роиாроЩ்роХро│் ро╡ிро░ுроо்рокுроХிро▒ோроо். роЖроХро╡ே, рокோро░ாроЯிроХ்роХொрог்роЯிро░ுроХ்роХுроо் роОроЩ்роХро│் роЪроХோродро░ро░்роХро│ுроХ்роХு роЙроЩ்роХро│் роЖродро░ро╡ுроо் роЙро│்ро│родெрой роород்родிроп роЕро░роЪுроХ்роХுрод் родெро░ிропрок்рокроЯுрод்родுроЩ்роХро│். роЕро░роЪுроХро│ிро▓் роЕроЩ்роХроо் ро╡роХிроХ்роХроХ்роХூроЯிроп роЙроЩ்роХро│் родேроЪிроп роЗройроЩ்роХро│ைроЪ் роЪேро░்рои்родро╡ро░்роХро│ை роОроо் роХро░род்родை рокро▓рок்рокроЯுрод்родுро╡родோроЯு, роОродிро░்роХாро▓род்родிро▓், роТро░ு роиро╡роиிро░்рооாрог் роЪேройாро╡ோ, ро╕்ро░ீро░ாроо் роЪேройாро╡ோ родрооிро┤்роиாроЯ்роЯிро▓் роЙро░ுро╡роХро╡ிро░ுроХ்роХுроо் роЖрокрод்родைрод் родро╡ிро░்роХ்роХுроо் роОрой்рокродு роОрой் роХро░ுрод்родு.
родрооிро┤்роиாроЯு роХாро╡ро▓்родுро▒ைропிро▓ிро░ுроХ்роХுроо் роЗро│ைроЮро░்роХро│ே...
роЙроЩ்роХро│் рооீродு роОройроХ்роХு роЗро░ுроХ்роХுроо் роородிрок்рокு роХொроЮ்роЪроо் роироЮ்роЪрооро▓்ро▓, роХாро░рогроо், родрооிро┤ுроХ்роХாроХ рооро▒்ро▒ро╡ро░்роХро│் роОрой்рой роЪெроп்родாро░்роХро│ோ, роЕро▓ுро╡ро▓ро░்роХро│ை роРропா роОрой роЕро┤ைрок்рокродு рокோрой்ро▒ роироЯைрооுро▒ை ро░ீродிропிро▓் родрооிро┤ை ро╡ாро┤ ро╡ைрод்родுроХ்роХொрог்роЯிро░ுрок்рокро╡ро░்роХро│் роиீроЩ்роХро│்родாрой். роороХ்роХро│ுроХ்роХாроХрок் рокாроЯுрокроЯро╡ேрог்роЯுроо், роЪрооூроХ ро╡ிро░ோродிроХро│ை роТро┤ுрод்родுроХ்роХроЯ்роЯ ро╡ேрог்роЯுроо் роОрой்рокродுрокோрой்ро▒ роЙрой்ройрод роиோроХ்роХроЩ்роХро│ுроХ்роХாроХрод்родாрой் роиீроЩ்роХро│் роХாро╡ро▓்родுро▒ைропிро▓் роЗрогைрои்родிро░ுрок்рокீро░்роХро│் роОрой்ро▒ு роироо்рокுроХிро▒ேрой். роЖройாро▓், роЕродை роЪெроп்роп ро╡ிроЯுроХிро▒родா роЖро│ுроо் ро╡ро░்роХ்роХроо்? роЙроЩ்роХро│ை роЪிро▒ுроЪிро▒ு родро╡ро▒ுроХро│் роЪெроп்роп ро╡ிроЯுро╡родрой் рооூро▓роо் родрой்ройுроЯைроп рокெро░ுрои்родро╡ро▒ுроХро│ை рооро▒ைрод்родுроХ்роХொро│்ро│ுроо் роЕродிроХாро░ ро╡ро░்роХ்роХроо், роЙроЩ்роХро│ை, роОрои்род роороХ்роХро│ுроХ்роХாроХрок் рокாроЯுрокроЯ роиீроЩ்роХро│் ро╡ிро░ுроо்рокிройீро░்роХро│ோ, роОрои்род роороХ்роХро│ுроХ்роХாроХ роЙропிро░ைропுроо் роХொроЯுроХ்роХро▓ாроо் роОрой்ро▒ு родீро░்рооாройிрод்родீро░்роХро│ோ, роЕрои்род роороХ்роХро│ுроХ்роХெродிро░ாроХро╡ே, рокропிро▒்ро▒ுро╡ிроХ்роХрок்рокроЯ்роЯ роЕроЯிропாро│்роХро│ாроХ рооாро▒்ро▒ுроХிро▒родு. роЯெро▓்ро▓ி родிроХாро░் роЬெропிро▓ைрок் рокாродுроХாрок்рокродு родрооிро┤роХ рокோро▓ீро╕்родாрой். роЗрои்родிропாро╡ிро▓் рокро┤рооைропாрой роХாро╡ро▓்родுро▒ைропாрой родрооிро┤роХ роХாро╡ро▓்родுро▒ை роЪிро▒рок்рокாроХ роЪெропро▓்рокроЯ்роЯு ро╡ро░ுроо் роХாро╡ро▓்родுро▒ைроХро│ிро▓் роТрой்ро▒ு. роЖройாро▓் роЕрои்род роородிрок்рокை роЙроЩ்роХро│ுроХ்роХுроХ் роХொроЯுроХ்роХிро▒родா роЗрои்родிроп роЕро░роЪாроЩ்роХроо்! роород்родிроп роЕрооைроЪ்роЪро░் рок.роЪிродроо்рокро░роо் родрооிро┤роХроо் ро╡рои்родு родிро░ுроо்рокிрок்рокோроХைропிро▓், роЪெрой்ройை ро╡ிрооாрой роиிро▓ைропрод்родிро▓், роЕро╡ро░ுроХ்роХாрой рокாродுроХாрок்рокை ро╡ро┤роЩ்роХ роЕройுроородிроХ்роХ рооро▒ுрод்родிро░ுроХ்роХிро▒ாро░்роХро│் роород்родிроп роХாро╡ро▓் роЕродிроХாро░ிроХро│். роПройெрой்ро▒ு роХேроЯ்роЯродро▒்роХு, ро░ாроЬீро╡் роХாрои்родிропை роиீроЩ்роХро│் рокாродுроХாрод்род ро▓роЯ்роЪрогроо் родாрой் родெро░ிропுрооே роОрой்ро▒ு роХிрог்роЯро▓் роЪெроп்родிро░ுроХ்роХிро▒ாро░்роХро│். ро░ாроЬீро╡்роХாрои்родிропைрод் родрооிро┤роХ роХாро╡ро▓்родுро▒ைропாро▓் роХாрок்рокாро▒்ро▒ рооுроЯிропро╡ிро▓்ро▓ை роОрой்рокродு роОро╡்ро╡ро│ро╡ு роЙрог்рооைропோ, роЕродே роЕро│ро╡ுроХ்роХு роЙрог்рооை, ро░ாроЬீро╡ோроЯு роЗро▒рои்родро╡ро░்роХро│ிро▓் рокро▓ро░் роЕрок்рокாро╡ி рокோро▓ீро╕்роХாро░ро░்роХро│் роОрой்рокродு. роЙроЩ்роХро│் роЕро░்рок்рокрогிрок்рокுрогро░்ро╡ு роХேро│்ро╡ிроХ்роХாрок்рокாро▒்рокроЯ்роЯродு. роЖройாро▓் рооேро▒்рокроЯி ро╡ெрог்рогெроп் ро╡ெроЯ்роЯி ро╡ீро░ро░ро░்роХро│் - роЕродுродாрой், роЗрои்родிроп роЙро│ро╡ுрод்родுро▒ை - ро░ாроЬீро╡ிрой் роЙропிро░ுроХ்роХு роЖрокрод்родு роЗро░ுроХ்роХிро▒родு роОрой்ро▒ родроХро╡ро▓ை роЕро▒ிрои்родрокோродுроо் рооெрод்родройрооாроХ роЗро░ுрои்родродு роОрой்рокродு рокிрой்ройро░் роЕроо்рокро▓рооாройродро▓்ро▓ро╡ா... роЗродுро╡ро░ை роХாро▓рооுроо் роиீроЩ்роХро│் роЕрок்рокாро╡ி роороХ்роХро│ுроХ்роХெродிро░ாроХ роЗро░ுрои்родாро▓ுроо் родрооிро┤роХрод்родிрой் рокெро░ுрооைроХро│ிро▓் роТрой்ро▒ாроХрод்родாрой் роЗро░ுроХ்роХிро▒ீро░்роХро│். ро╡ро░ро▓ாро▒்ро▒ு рооுроХ்роХிропрод்родுро╡роо் ро╡ாроп்рои்род
роЗрои்род родро░ுрогрод்родிро▓், роиீроЩ்роХро│் роороХ்роХро│் рокроХ்роХроо் роЗро░ுрои்родாро▓் роороЯ்роЯுрооே роороХ்роХро│ிроЯроо் роЗро┤рои்родிро░ுроХ்роХிро▒ рокெро░ுрооைропை рооீроЯ்роЯெроЯுроХ்роХ рооுроЯிропுроо். роТро░ுрооுро▒ை роЪроХ родрооிро┤ро░்роХро│ுроХ்роХாроХ роЕро░்рок்рокрогிрод்родுрок்рокாро░ுроЩ்роХро│். роороХ்роХро│் роЙроЩ்роХро│ை родроЩ்роХрод்родроЯ்роЯிро▓் ро╡ைрод்родு родாроЩ்роХுро╡ாро░்роХро│். родрооிро┤ройிрой் роирой்ро▒ி роЙрогро░்роЪ்роЪி роЕро│ро╡ிроЯро▒்роХро░ிропродு. родрой்ройுроЯைроп роЪொрои்родроХ்роХாроЪை ро╡ைрод்родு роЕрогை роХроЯ்роЯிроХ்роХொроЯுрод்родாрой் роОрой்рокродро▒்роХாроХро╡ே роЕро╡ройுроХ்роХு роХோропிро▓் роХроЯ்роЯி. родрой் рокிро│்ро│ைроХро│ுроХ்роХு роЕро╡рой் рокெропро░ை ро╡род்родுроХ் роХொрог்роЯாроЯிроХ்роХொрог்роЯிро░ுроХ்роХிро▒ாрой் рооுро▓்ро▓ைропாро▒்ро▒ிрой் роородுро░ை рооாро╡роЯ்роЯрод்родрооிро┤рой். роиீроЩ்роХро│் роЪெроп்роп ро╡ேрог்роЯிропродெро▓்ро▓ாроо், роХொрои்родро│ிроХ்роХрок் рокோроХுроо் родрооிро┤роХрод்родிро▓், роород்родிроп роЕро░роЪு роЕродிроХро░ிроХро│ுроХ்роХு роТрод்родுро┤ைроХ்роХ рооро▒ுрок்рокродு, ро░ா, роЪி.рокி.роР рокோрой்ро▒ роЕрооைрок்рокுроХро│ைроЪ் роЪேро░்рои்родро╡ро░்роХро│ை роЙро│்ро│ூро░் роороХ்роХро│ுроХ்роХு роЕроЯைропாро│роо் роХாроЯ்роЯுро╡родுроо்родாрой். роЗродை роороЯ்роЯுрооாро╡родு роЪெроп்ропுроЩ்роХро│். рооро▒்ро▒родை роороХ்роХро│் рокாро░்род்родுроХ்роХொро│்ро╡ாро░்роХро│்.
роХро│род்родிро▓் роиிро▒்роХுроо் родрооிро┤ீро┤ роороХ்роХро│ே, ро╡ிроЯுродைро▓ைрок்рокுро▓ிроХро│ே...
роЕройைрод்родுроХ்роХрог்роХро│ுроо் роЗрок்рокோродு рооுро▓்ро▓ைрод்родீро╡ை роиோроХ்роХி. родாроп்род்родрооிро┤роХроо் роЙрогро░்ро╡ுрокூро░்ро╡рооாроХ роЙроЩ்роХро│் рокроХ்роХроо்родாрой் роиிро▒்роХிро▒родு. ро╡ேро▒ு роПродாро╡родு роЪெроп்роп ро╡ேрог்роЯுроо் роОройро╡ுроо் ро╡ிро░ுроо்рокுроХிро▒родு. роЖройாро▓் роОрой்рой роЪெроп்ро╡родு роЙроЩ்роХро│ுроХ்роХு роЕрооைрои்родродு рокோрой்ро▒ роЙрой்ройрод родро▓ைро╡рой் роОроЩ்роХро│ுроХ்роХிро▓்ро▓ைропே... роЖройாро▓், роироо்рокிроХ்роХைропை роороЯ்роЯுроо் роХைро╡ிроЯாродீро░்роХро│். роЗродுрокோрой்ро▒ роХைропро▒ுроХாро▓роЩ்роХро│்родாрой். родрооிро┤роХрод்родிро▓ிро░ுрои்родு роЕрок்рокроЯி роТро░ுро╡ро░் роЗрои்родроХ் роХாро▓род்родிро▓் роЙро░ுро╡ாроХро▓ாроо் роЕродுро╡ро░ை, рокுро▓ிроХро│ிрой் роХро░роЩ்роХро│ை рокро▓рок்рокроЯுрод்родுроЩ்роХро│். 1965ро▓் роироЯрои்род роЗрои்родி роОродிро░்рок்рокுрок் рокோро░ை роЪிро▓ роЪுропроиро▓рооிроХро│ிрой் роХைропிро▓் роТрок்рокроЯைрод்родродாро▓்родாрой் родрооிро┤роХ ро╡ро░ро▓ாро▒ு роХро▒்роХாро▓род்родிро▒்роХு роЗро┤ுрокроЯ்роЯுро│்ро│родு. роЕрои்родрод் родро╡ро▒ை роиீроЩ்роХро│் роЪெроп்родு ро╡ிроЯாродீро░்роХро│்.
роЕрой்рокிро▒்роХுро░ிроп роЪро░்ро╡родேроЪ роЪрооூроХрооே, роироо்рокிроХ்роХைроХுро░ிроп роТрокாрооாро╡ே,
роЙроЩ்роХро│் рооீродு роОроЩ்роХро│ுроХ்роХு роЗрой்ройுроо் роироо்рокிроХ்роХை роЗро░ுроХ்роХிро▒родு. роЖройாро▓், роЗро▒ைропாрой்рооை роХொрог்роЯ роТро░ு роХுроЯிропро░роЪு родроо் роХுроЯிроороХройை роЗройроТродுроХ்роХро▓் рооூро▓рооாроХ роХொроЯுрооைрок்рокроЯுрод்родாродு роОрой்рокродро▒்роХு роОрои்род роЙрод்родро░ро╡ாродрооுроо் роХிроЯைропாродு. ро╡роЪродிроХ்роХாроХ роЕрооெро░ிроХ்роХாро╡ிрой் роХроЯрои்род роХாро▓род்родைропே роОроЯுрод்родுроХ்роХாроЯ்роЯாроХ роЪொро▓்ро▓ро▓ாроо். роЙро▓роХрок்рокுроХро┤் рокெро▒்ро▒ роХுрод்родுроЪ்роЪрог்роЯை рооாро╡ீро░рой் рооுроХроородро▓ி роЪொрой்ройாройே, роОрой் роЪро░ுроород்родிро▓ிро░ுроХ்роХுроо் роХொроЮ்роЪ ро╡ெрог்рооைропுроо் роХро▒்рокро┤ிрок்рокிрой் рооூро▓рооாроХро╡ே ро╡рои்родிро░ுроХ்роХுрооெрой்ро▒ு... роиீроЩ்роХро│் роЕрооைродிропாроХ роЗро░ுроХ்роХுроо் ро╡ро░ை роЗрои்родிропா ро╡ாропே родிро▒роХ்роХாродு. роТроЯ்роЯுрооொрод்род родрооிро┤ро░்роХро│ுроо் роЕро┤ிроХ்роХрок்рокроЯ்роЯ рокிро▒роХு ро╡ேрог்роЯுрооாройாро▓் роЕродு роироЯроХ்роХுроо். роЕродுро╡ро░ை, роЗрои்родிропாро╡ிрой் ро╡ாропைрок் рокாро░்род்родுроХ்роХொрог்роЯிро░ுроХ்роХрок் рокோроХிро▒ீро░்роХро│ா? ро╡рой்ройிропிро▓், ро╡ிроЯுродро▓ைрок்рокுро▓ிроХро│ூроХ்роХு роОродிро░ாрой рокோро░்родாрой் роироЯроХ்роХிро▒родு роОрой்роХிро▒ாро░்роХро│். рокுро▓ிроХро│் роороХ்роХро│ைроХ் роХேроЯропрооாроХрок் рокропрой்рокроЯுрод்родுроХிро▒ாро░்роХாро│் роОрой்роХிро▒ாро░்роХро│். роЕрок்рокроЯிропாройாро▓் роЕро░роЪு роЪொрой்рой рокроХுродிроХ்роХு ро╡рои்род роороХ்роХро│ை роПрой் роХொро▓ை роЪெроп்родாро░்роХро│்? роЗродு роТрой்ро▒ு рокோродுрооே, родрооிро┤்роороХ்роХро│் ро╡ிроЯுродро▓ைрок்рокுро▓ிроХро│ைроЪ் роЪாро░்рои்родு роиிрой்ро▒ாро▓ுроо் роЪро░ி, роЗро▓роЩ்роХை роЕро░роЪைроЪ் роЪாро░்рои்родு роиிрой்ро▒ாро▓ுроо் роЪро░ி, родрооிро┤ро░்роХро│் роОрой்ро▒ роХாро░рогрод்родிро▒்роХாроХро╡ே роЕро╡ро░்роХро│் роХொро▓்ро▓рок்рокроЯுроХிро▒ாро░்роХро│் роОрой்рокродро▒்роХு. роЗродு роЗройрок்рокроЯுроХொро▓ை роЗро▓்ро▓ைропா? роЗрои்родிропா, рокாроХிро╕்родாрой், роЪீройா роЖропுродроо் роХொроЯுрод்родுроо், роЬрок்рокாрой் рокрогроо் роХொроЯுрод்родுроо், роХூроЯுродро▓ாроХ, роЗрои்родிропா роиாроЯ்роЯாрооை роЪெроп்родுроо் родрооிро┤ро░்роХро│ைроХ் роХொро│்роХிрой்ро▒ройро░ெрой்ро▒ாро▓். роиீроЩ்роХро│் роЙроЩ்роХро│் рооெро│ройрод்родிрой் рооூро▓рооாроХро╡ுроо், рокாро░ாрооுроХрод்родிрой் рооூро▓рооாроХро╡ுроо் роЕродே роХொро▓ைропைрод்родாрой் роЪெроп்родுроХொрог்роЯிро░ுроХ்роХிро▒ீро░்роХро│் роОрой்рокродை роПрой் роЙрогро░ро╡ிро▓்ро▓ை? роЖропுродроо் родாроЩ்роХி рокோро░ாроЯுро╡родாро▓் роороЯ்роЯுрооே ропாро░ுроо் родீро╡ிро░ро╡ாродிропாроХிроЯ рооாроЯ்роЯாро░்роХро│். роЕро▒род்родிро▒்роХே роЕрой்рокு роЪாро░்рокெрой்рок роЕро▒ிропாро░். рооро▒род்родிро▒்роХுроо் роЕроГродே родுрогை роОрой்ро▒ு рокாроЯிропுро│்ро│ாрой் роОроЩ்роХро│் родிро░ுро╡ро│்ро│ூро╡ро░்.
рокுро▓ிроХро│் роЖропுродроЩ்роХро│ைроХ் роХீро┤ே рокோроЯ ро╡ேрог்роЯுроо் роОрой்роХிро▒ாро░் роЬெропро▓ро▓ிродா - роОрой்ройро╡ோ рокிро░роЪ்роЪிройைропே рокுро▓ிроХро│் роЖропுродроо் роЕроЯுрод்родродாро▓்родாрой் ро╡рои்родродு роОрой்рокродைрок் рокோро▓ெ.. роЙрогрооைропிро▓், рокுро▓ிроХро│் родрооிро┤ீро┤ роЗрой роЕро┤ிрок்рокிро▓ிро░ுрои்родு роЙро░ுро╡ாроХி ро╡рои்родро╡ро░்роХро│ே родро╡ிро░, роХாро░рогроХро░்род்родாроХ்роХро│் роЕро▓்ро▓ро░்(they are not the reason: just an outcome)
роЗрои்родிроп роЕро░роЪு роЗрои்родрок் рокிро░роЪ்роЪிройைропிро▓் роИроЯுрокроЯ்роЯிро░ுрок்рокродு ро╡ெро│ிрок்рокроЯைропாроХாрод ро╡ро░ை, роЗро▓роЩ்роХைрок் рокிро░роЪ்роЪிройை роЙро│்роиாроЯ்роЯுрок் рокிро░роЪ்роЪிройை. роЕродிро▓் родро▓ைропிроЯ рооுроЯிропாродு роОрой்ро▒родு. роЪீройா, рокாроХிро╕்родாрой் роЕрооெро░ிроХ்роХா рокோрой்ро▒ роиாроЯுроХро│் роЗро▓роЩ்роХைропிро▓் роЖродிроХ்роХроо் рокெро▒ுро╡родைрод் родроЯுрок்рокродро▒்роХாроХ роЪெроп்ро╡родாроХроЪ் роЪொрой்ройродு. роиாроЯாро│ுроорой்ро▒род்родிро▓் родாроХ்роХுродро▓் роироЯрод்родிроп, рооுроо்рокை родொроЯро░்ро╡ெроЯிроХுрог்роЯுроХро│், рокிро▒роХு роЕрог்рооைропிро▓் роироЯрои்род родாроХ்роХுродро▓் роОройрок் рокро▓ро╡ாро▒ாроХ роЗрои்родிроп роороХ்роХро│ைроХ்роХொрог்ро▒ு роХுро╡ிрод்род рокாроХிро╕்родாройோроЯு роЗрогைрои்родு роХொрог்роЯு родрооிро┤ро░்роХро│ைроХ் роХொрог்ро▒ு роХுро╡ிроХ்роХிро▒родு. роЕрок்рокроЯிропாройாро▓், рокாроХிро╕்родாройிрой் роЗрои்родிроп рооீродாрой рокропроЩ்роХро░ро╡ாродрооெрой்рокродு роЗрои்родிропா-рокாроХிро╕்родாрой் роЗро░ுродро░рок்рокு роЕродிроХாро░ ро╡ро░்роХ்роХроЩ்роХро│ுроо் родроЩ்роХро│் роороХ்роХро│ைроЪ் роЪுро░рог்роЯ рокро░ро╕்рокро░ рокுро░ிродро▓ுроЯрой் роЙро░ுро╡ாроХ்роХிроХ் роХொрог்роЯ роТрой்ро▒ு роОрой்ро▒ роОроо் роЪрои்родேроХроо் роТро░ுрокроХ்роХроо் роЗро░ுроХ்роХ, роЗрок்рокோродு, ро╡ிроЯுродро▓ைрок்рокுро▓ிроХро│் родீро╡ிро░ро╡ாродிроХро│் роЕродройாро▓்родாрой் роЪрог்роЯை роОрой்роХிро▒родு. ро░ாроЬீро╡் роХாрои்родிропைроХ் роХொрой்ро▒ாро░்роХро│் роОрой்роХிро▒родு. ро░ாроЬீро╡்роХாрои்родி роТро░ு роХро╡ுрой்роЪிро▓ро░ோ, рооாро╡роЯ்роЯроЪ் роЪெропро▓ாро│ро░ோ роЕро▓்ро▓. роЕро╡்ро░ை роПро▒்роХройро╡ே роТро░ுрооுро▒ை роХொро▓ை роЪெроп்ропுроо் рооுропро▒்роЪி роЗро▓роЩ்роХைропிро▓் роироЯைрокெро▒்ро▒ிро░ுрои்род рокோродுроо் роЕрои்родроХ் роХொро▓ைроХாро░рой் ро╡ிроЪாро░ிроХ்роХрок்рокроЯро╡ிро▓்ро▓ை. ро░ாроЬீро╡்роХாрои்родிропைроХ் роХொро▓்ро▓ рооுропрой்ро▒ роЕрои்род роЪிроЩ்роХро│ ро╡ீро░рой் роЖроХிропோро░ைропுроо் роХுро▒்ро▒роо் роЪாроЯ்роЯрок்рокроЯ்роЯро╡ро░்роХро│ாроХ роЗрогைрод்родுроХ்роХொрог்роЯு рооро▒ுрокроЯிропுроо் ро╡ிроЪாро░ிроХ்роХрок்рокроЯ ро╡ேрог்роЯுроо் роОрой்рокродு роОрой் роХோро░ிроХ்роХைроХро│ிро▓் роТрой்ро▒ு. ро░ாроЬீро╡் рооீродு рокுро▓ிроХро│ுроХ்роХு ро╡ро░ுрод்родроо் роЗро░ுрои்родிро░ுроХ்роХро▓ாрооே родро╡ிро░, роХோрокроо் роЗро░ுрои்родிро░ுроХ்роХ ро╡ாроп்рок்рокிро▓்ро▓ை. роХாро░рогроо், ро░ாроЬீро╡் роЗрои்родிро░ாро╡ிрой் рокுродро▓்ро╡ро░். роЗрои்родிро░ா, родрооிро┤ீро┤род்родிрой் роЪிро▒ுродெроп்ро╡роЩ்роХро│ிро▓் роОроо்.роЬி.роЖро░ுроХ்роХுрок் рокроХ்роХрод்родிро▓ிро░ுрок்рокро╡ро░்.
роЗрои்родிропா роЪொро▓்ро▓ுроо் роХாро░рогроЩ்роХро│் роЕроЯிроХ்роХроЯி рооாро▒ுро╡родிро▓ிро░ுрои்родே роЗрои்родிропா роиிропாропрод்родிро▒்роХுрок் рокுро▒роо்рокாроХрод்родாрой் роЗрои்родрок்рокோро░ிро▓் роИроЯுрокроЯ்роЯிро░ுрок்рокродு роЕроо்рокро▓рооாроХி роЗро░ுроХ்роХிро▒родு. роЗрок்рокроЯிрок்рокроЯ்роЯ роТро░ு роЪூро┤ро▓ிро▓் роиீроЩ்роХро│் роПрой் роиேро░роЯிропாроХрод் родро▓ைропிроЯроХ்роХூроЯாродு? рокுро▓ிроХро│் рокோро░்роиிро▒ுрод்родрод்родைрок் рокропрой்рокроЯுрод்родி роЖропுродроо் роХுро╡ிроХ்роХிро▒ாро░்роХро│் роОрой்ро▒родு роЗро▓роЩ்роХை. роЪрои்родிро░ிроХாро╡ோ, ро░рогிро▓ோ, роороХிрои்родாро╡ோ роХроЯрои்род роХாро▓роЩ்роХро│ிро▓் роТро░ு роХроЯро╡ுро│ாроХ роЕро▓்ро▓, рооройிродро░்роХро│ாроХроХ்роХூроЯ роироЯрои்родுроХொрог்роЯродிро▓்ро▓ை. роЗро╡ро░்роХро│் роТро░ு роиிро░்рокрои்родрод்родிрой் рокெропро░ிро▓் рокோро░் роиிро▒ுрод்родрод்родிро▒்роХு роТрок்рокுроХ்роХொрог்роЯுро╡ிроЯ்роЯாро░்роХро│். роОрой்рокродாро▓் роороЯ்роЯுрооே рокோро░ாро│ிроХро│் роЖропுродроЩ்роХро│ை роТрок்рокроЯைрод்родுро╡ிроЯ ро╡ேрог்роЯுроо். рокுройро░рооைрок்рокுрок் рокрогிроХро│ிро▓் роИроЯுрокроЯроХ்роХூроЯாродு роОрой்ро▒ு роОродிро░்рокாро░்рок்рокродு роОрой்ройро╡роХை роиிропாропроо்? родாроЩ்роХро│் роиேро░்рооைропாроХ роироЯрои்родுроХொро│்ро╡ோроо் роОрой்ро▒ роироо்рокிроХ்роХைропை роЙрог்роЯாроХ்роХுро╡родு рооூро▓рооாроХ роороЯ்роЯுрооே рокோро░ாро│ிроХро│ை-роЖропுродрод்родைроХ் роХீро┤ே ро╡ைроХ்роХроЪ்роЪெроп்роп рооுроЯிропுроо். роХроЯрои்род роХாро▓ роЕро░роЪுроХро│் роОро╡ைропுроо் роЕрок்рокроЯி роЪெропро▓்рокроЯро╡ிро▓்ро▓ை. роЙродாро░рогроо் ро░рогிро▓்- роХро░ுрогா. роЖройாро▓், рокுро▓ிроХро│் рокோро░்роиிро▒ுрод்родрод்родைрок் рокропрой்рокроЯுрод்родிроХ்роХொрог்роЯு роЪெроп்родродு роЖропுродроо் ро╡ாроЩ்роХிропродு роороЯ்роЯுрооро▓்ро▓, роЕродு роХாро▓ாроХாро▓рооாроХ роироЯрок்рокродுродாройே- роУро░் роЕро░роЪு роиிро░்ро╡ாроХрод்родைропே роЙро░ுро╡ாроХ்роХிропுро░ுроХ்роХிро▒ாро░்роХро│். роЪро░்ро╡родேроЪрод்родிрой் роХрог்роХро│ிро▓் роЗродு родீро╡ிро░ро╡ாродрооா? роЕрок்рокாро╡ிрод்родрооிро┤ро░்роХро│ைроХ் роХாрок்рокродро▒்роХாроХрод்родாрой் рокோро░ிроЯுро╡родாроХ рокроЪрок்рокுроХிро▒родு роЗрои்родிропா. роЖропுрод родро│рокாроЯроЩ்роХро│ுроо், роЙро│ро╡ு ро╡ிрооாройроЩ்роХро│ுроо்родாрой் роЗро▓роЩ்роХை рокோроХிрой்ро▒ройро╡ே родро╡ிро░, роЗрои்родிропாро╡ாро▓் роЕройுрок்рокрок்рокроЯ்роЯ роТро░ு рокாро░ாроЪெроЯ்роЯрооாро▓் рооாрод்родிро░ைропைроХ் роХாроЯ்роЯроЪ் роЪொро▓்ро▓ுроЩ்роХро│் рокாро░்роХ்роХро▓ாроо். роЗрои்род ро▓роЯ்роЪрогрод்родிро▓், родрооிро┤ீро┤ роороХ்роХро│ுроХ்роХாрой ро╡роЪродிроХро│ை роЗро▓роЩ்роХை роЕро░роЪு роЪெроп்ропுрооாроо். роЕродро▒்роХு роЗрои்родிропா роЙродро╡ுрооாроо்... ро╡ேро▓ிроХ்роХு роУрогாрой் роЪாроЯ்роЪி! роЗрок்рокோродு роЪро░்ро╡родேроЪ роЪெроЮ்роЪுро▓ுро╡ைроЪ் роЪроЩ்роХрод்родிрой் роЖроо்рокுро▓рой்ро╕்роХро│ைрод் родாроХ்роХிройாро░்роХро│ே, роЕро╡ро░்роХро│ுроо் ро╡ிроЯுродро▓ைрок்рокுро▓ிроХро│ா? рок்ро░ாрой்роЪிрой் 17 рооройிрод роЙро░ிрооைропாро│ро░்роХро│ைроХ் роХொро▓ை роЪெроп்родாро░்роХро│ே, роЕро╡ро░்роХро│ுроо் ро╡ிроЯுродро▓ைрок்рокுро▓ிроХро│ா? роЪீройாро╡ிрой் роЯாроЩ்роХிроХро│், роЗрои்родிропாро╡ிрой் роЙро│ро╡ு ро╡ிрооாройроЩ்роХро│், рокாроХிро╕்родாройிрой் роЖро░்роЯிро▓ро░ிроХро│் роороЯ்роЯுрооро▓்ро▓... роЗрок்рокோродு роОроо்роороХ்роХро│ைроХ் роХொро▓ைроЪெроп்родு ро╡ро░ுро╡родு роЪро░்ро╡родேроЪ роЪрооூроХрод்родிрой் рооெро│ройрооுроо்родாрой் роОрой்рокродை роОрок்рокோродு роЙрогро░்ро╡ீро░்роХро│்-роиிропாропрод்родிрой்рокாро▓் рокெро░ுро╡ிро░ுрок்рокு роХொрог்роЯ роТро░ு роороХ்роХро│் роЪрооூроХроо் рокூрооிропிро▓ிро░ுрои்родு рооுро▒்ро▒ாроХрод் родுроЯைрод்родро┤ிроХ்роХрок்рокроЯ்роЯ рокிро▒роХா? роЕрокாро░ிроЬிрой்роХро│், рооாропா, роЗрой்роХா ро╡ро░ிроЪைропிро▓் роиாроЩ்роХро│ுроо் роЪேро░்роХ்роХрок்рокроЯுро╡родு роЙроЩ்роХро│் роиோроХ்роХрооெрой்ро▒ாро▓், роОроЩ்роХро│் рокро┤роЩ்роХродைроХро│் роТрой்ро▒ிрой்рокроЯி роТро╡்ро╡ொро░ுроиாро│ுроо் роПродேройுроо் роТро░ு ро╡ீроЯ்роЯிро▓ிро░ுрои்родு роТро░ுро╡ро░் ро╡рои்родு роЙроЩ்роХро│் рооுрой்ройாро▓் родро▒்роХொро▓ை роЪெроп்родு роХொро│்роХிро▒ோроо்... роОроЩ்роХро│் роЪроХோродро░ிроХро│ைропுроо், роХுро┤рои்родைроХро│ைропுроо் ро╡ிроЯ்роЯுро╡ிроЯ்роЯுроЪ் роЪொро▓்ро▓ுроЩ்роХро│். родாроЩ்роХ рооுроЯிропро╡ிро▓்ро▓ை. роЕро╡ро░்роХро│ெро▓்ро▓ாроо் рооройрооாро░ роЪிро░ிрок்рокродை роТро░ுроиாро│் рокாро░்рок்рокோроо் роОрой்ро▒ роироо்рокிроХ்роХைропிро▓்родாрой் роиாроЩ்роХро│் рокோро░ாроЯிроХ் роХொрог்роЯிро░ுрок்рокродே. роТро░ு рокேроЪ்роЪுроХ்роХு роТрод்родுроХ்роХொро│்ро╡родெрой்ро▒ாро▓ுроо்роХூроЯ, ро╡ிроЯுродро▓ைрок்рокுро▓ிроХро│் родрог்роЯிроХ்роХрок்рокроЯ ро╡ேрог்роЯிропро╡ро░்роХро│் роОрой்ро▒ாро▓ுроо் роЕрок்рокроЯி роТро░ு родрог்роЯройைропை ро╡ро┤роЩ்роХுроо் ропோроХ்роХிропродை роЗрои்родிропாро╡ுроХ்роХோ, роЗро▓роЩ்роХைроХ்роХோ роХிроЯைропாродு.
роХாро▓роо் роХроЯрои்родு ро╡ро┤роЩ்роХрок்рокроЯுроо் роиீродி роЕроиீродிропைро╡ிроЯроХ் роХொроЯுрооைропாройродு.
1. роЗрои்родிропா роЙроЯройроЯிропாроХ родрооிро┤ீро┤род்родிрой் рокроХுродிроХро│ிро▓ிро░ுрои்родு родрой் родுро░ுрок்рокுроХро│ைрод் родிро░ுроо்рокрок் рокெро▒்ро▒ுроХ்роХொро│்ро╡родோроЯு, рооேро▒்роХொрог்роЯு роЪெропро▒்роХைроХ்роХோро│் роЙродро╡ிроХро│், ро░ாроЯாро░் рокோрой்ро▒ роЙродро╡ிроХро│ைроЪ் роЪெроп்ропроХ்роХூроЯாродெрой்ро▒ு роЪро░்ро╡родேроЪ роЪрооூроХрод்родாро▓் роХрог்роЯிроХ்роХрок்рокроЯ ро╡ேрог்роЯுроо். роЗро▓роЩ்роХைропோроЯு роЗрои்родிропா роЕро░роЪு роироЯрои்родுроо் рооுроХ்роХிропрод்родுро╡рооро▒்ро▒ рокேроЪ்роЪுрок்рокро░ிрооாро▒்ро▒роЩ்роХро│்роХூроЯ роЪро░்ро╡родேроЪ роЪрооூроХроо் рооூро▓рооாроХро╡ே роироЯроХ்роХ ро╡ேрог்роЯுроо். родрооிро┤роХ роороХ்роХро│ிроЯрооுроо், роЙро▓роХெроЩ்роХுроо் рокро░рои்родு ро╡ாро┤ுроо் родрооிро┤ீро┤род்родாро░ிроЯрооுроо் роЗрои்родிропா рокроХிро░роЩ்роХ роорой்ройிрок்рокு роХோро░ ро╡ேрог்роЯுроо்.
2. роРроиா рокொродுроЪ்роЪெропро▓ாро│ро░ாрой рокாрой் роХி рооூрой், родொроЯро░்рои்родு родрой் родாропроХрооாрой роЪீройாро╡ிро▒்роХு роЖродро░ро╡ாрой роиிро▓ைрок்рокாроЯ்роЯிро▓ிро░ுрои்родு, роТро░ுродро▓ைрок்рокроЯ்роЪрооாроХ роЪெропро▓்рокроЯ்роЯு ро╡ро░ுро╡родாро▓், роИро┤роо் родொроЯро░்рокாрой рооுроЯிро╡ெроЯுроХ்роХுроо் роЕродிроХாро░роо் роЕро╡ро░ுроХ்роХு ро╡ро┤роЩ்роХрок்рокроЯроХ்роХூроЯாродு.
3. роЗро▓роЩ்роХை роЕро░роЪு роОрои்родெрои்род роиாроЯுроХро│ிроЯрооெро▓்ро▓ாроо் роХோро░рок்рокроЯ்роЯு рокுро▓ிроХро│்рооீродு родроЯை ро╡ிродிроХ்роХрок்рокроЯ்роЯродோ роЕрои்родрои்род роиாроЯுроХро│ிро▓் рокுро▓ிроХро│் рооீродாрой родроЯை роиீроХ்роХрок்рокроЯ்роЯு, родроЯை роЪெроп்ропрок்рокроЯ்роЯ роЕрооைрок்рокிрой் роЙро▒ுрок்рокிройро░் роОрой்ро▒ роХுро▒்ро▒род்родிро▒்роХாроХ роЪிро▒ைропிро▓ிро░ுроХ்роХுроо் роЕродрой் роЙро▒ுрок்рокிройро░்роХро│் роОродுро╡ிрод роиிрокрои்родройைропுрооро▒்ро▒ு роЙроЯройроЯிропாроХ ро╡ிроЯுродро▓ை роЪெроп்ропрок்рокроЯ ро╡ேрог்роЯுроо்.
4. рокுро▓ிроХро│ிрой் роЙро▒ுрок்рокிройро░்роХро│் рооீродாрой рокாро╕்рокோро░்роЯ் родொроЯро░்рокாрой роХுро▒்ро▒роЩ்роХро│் роорой்ройிроХ்роХрок்рокроЯ்роЯு, роЕро╡ро░்роХро│் ро╡ிроЯுродро▓ை роЪெроп்ропрок்рокроЯ ро╡ேрог்роЯுроо்.
5. рокுро▓ிроХро│ோроЯு родொроЯро░்рокுроЯைропродு роОрой்ройுроо் роХுро▒்ро▒роЪ்роЪாроЯ்роЯிрой் рокேро░ிро▓் родроЯை роЪெроп்ропрок்рокроЯ родொро┤ிро▓் роиிро▒ுро╡ройроЩ்роХро│ிрой் роЙро░ிроороо் рооீрог்роЯுроо் роЕро│ிроХ்роХрок்рокроЯுро╡родோроЯு, родроХ்роХ роироЯ்роЯ роИроЯுроо் ро╡ро┤роЩ்роХрок்рокроЯ ро╡ேрог்роЯுроо்.
6. ро░ாроЬீро╡்роХாрои்родி роХொро▓ை ро╡ро┤роХ்роХு роЗрог்роЯро░்рокோро▓ாро▓் ро╡ிроЪாро░ிроХ்роХрок்рокроЯ்роЯு, роЙрог்рооைропாрой роХுро▒்ро▒ро╡ாро│ிроХро│் роЗройроо்роХாрогрок்рокроЯ ро╡ேрог்роЯுроо்.
7. рокிро░рогாрок் рооுроХро░்роЬி, роХோрод்родрокாроп ро░ாроЬрокроХ்роХ்ро╖ே, роЪрои்родிро░ிроХா, роЙродропрогроХாро░, роХேроХро▓ிроп ро░роо்рокுроХ்ро╡ெро▓, рокроЪிро▓்ро░ாроЬрок்роХ்ро╖ роороХிрои்род, рокொрой்роЪேроХா рокோрой்ро▒ோро░் роиாро░்роХோ роЕройிро▓ிроЪிро╕் роЪோродройைроХ்роХுрок்рокроЯ ро╡ேрог்роЯுроо்.
8.роЕрооைроХ்роХрок்рокроЯрокோроХிро▒ родрооிро┤ீро┤род்родை роЕроЩ்роХீроХро░ிроХ்роХிро▒ роЙро░ிрооைропை роороЯ்роЯுроХே роЪро░்ро╡родேроЪроо் рооேро▒்роХொро│்ро│ро▓ாрооே родро╡ிро░, роЕродு ропாро░ிрой் родро▓ைрооைропிро▓் роЕрооைропро╡ேрог்роЯுроо роОрой்рокродை родрооிро┤ீрой роороХ்роХро│் родாрой் рооுроЯிро╡ுроЪெроп்ро╡ாро░்роХро│்
9. рокுро▓ிроХро│் роХை рокро▓ро╡ீройрооாрой роиேро░род்родிро▓், рооро▓ைропроХ роороХ்роХро│் рооீродு роироЯрои்род ро╡рои் родாроХ்роХுродро▓், роОродிро░்роХாро▓род்родிро▓் роЕрок்рокроХுродிроХро│ிро▓் рооீрог்роЯுроо் роТро░ு рокாро░ிроп роЗрой роЕро┤ிро╡ு роПро▒்рокроЯுрод்родрок்рокроЯுрооோ роОрой்ро▒ роЕроЪ்роЪрод்родை роПро▒்рокроЯுрод்родிропிро░ுрок்рокродாро▓், рооро▓ைропроХ роороХ்роХро│் родрооிро┤ீро┤род்родோроЯு роЗрогைроп ро╡ிро░ுроо்рокுроХிро▒ாро░்роХро│ா роОрой்рокродை ро╡ாроХ்роХெроЯுрок்рокு рооூро▓роо் роЕро▒ிрои்родு роЕродрой்рокроЯி роЪெропро▓்рокроЯ ро╡ேрог்роЯுроо் роЗрои்род ро╡ிроЪропрод்родிро▓் рооро▓ைропроХ роороХ்роХро│ிрой் рооுроЯிро╡ே роЗро▒ுродிропாройродு.
10. роЪெрой்ройைропிро▓், роХுроЯிрокோродைропிро▓் роЕрок்рокாро╡ிрод் родрооிро┤ро░்роХро│் рооீродு родுрок்рокாроХ்роХிрок் рокிро░ропோроХроо் роЪெроп்родு, роиீродிроорой்ро▒род்родாро▓் родрог்роЯிроХ்роХрок்рокроЯ்роЯ роЯроХ்ро│ро╕் родேро╡ாройрои்родாро╡ிрой் родрог்роЯрогைроХ்роХாро▓роо் рокூро░்род்родிропாроХுроо் роХாро▓род்родிро▒்роХுроо் роЗро▓роЩ்роХைроХ்роХுрод் родрок்рокிроЪ்роЪெрой்ро▒ு ро╡ிроЯ்роЯродாро▓், роЕро╡ро░் роХைродு роЪெроп்ропрок்рокроЯ்роЯு, родрооிро┤роХ рокோро▓ிроЪாро░் ро╡роЪроо் роТрок்рокроЯைроХ்роХрок்рокроЯ ро╡ேрог்роЯுроо்.
11. рокрод்родிро░ிроХைропாро│ро░ாрой ро▓роЪрои்родро╡ிрой் роХொро▓ைроХ்роХுроХ் роХாро░рогрооாрой роЕройைро╡ро░ுроо் родрог்роЯிроХ்роХрок்рокроЯ ро╡ேрог்роЯுроо்.
12. родрооிро┤்роиாроЯ்роЯிро▒்роХு родроЮ்роЪроо் рокுроХுрои்родிро░ுроХ்роХுроо் роЪிроЩ்роХро│ рокрод்родிро░ிроХைропாро│ро░்роХро│ுроХ்роХு родроХுрои்род рокாродுроХாрок்рокு ро╡ро┤роЩ்роХрок்рокроЯ ро╡ேрог்роЯுроо்.
13.родрооிро┤்роиாроЯ்роЯிро▒்роХு роЕроХродிроХро│ோроЯு роЕроХродிропாроХ ро╡рои்род роЪிроЩ்роХро│род்родроо்рокродிропро░் рооீродாрой рокாро╕்рокோро░்роЯ் роХுро▒்ро▒роЪ்роЪாроЯ்роЯு роиீроХ்роХрок்рокроЯ்роЯு, роЕро╡ро░்роХро│ுроо் роЕроХродிроХро│ாроХ роЕроЩ்роХீроХро░ிроХ்роХрок்рокроЯ ро╡ேрог்роЯுроо்.
14. роЪுроЯ்роЯுроХ் роХொро▓ை роЪெроп்ропрок்рокроЯ்роЯ родрооிро┤роХ рооீройро╡ро░்роХро│ிрой் роХுроЯுроо்рокроЩ்роХро│ுроХ்роХாрой ро╡ாро┤்ро╡ாродро░роЩ்роХро│் роЙро▒ுродி роЪெроп்ропрок்рокроЯ ро╡ேрог்роЯுроо்.
роОрой்ро▒ுроо் роЕрой்рокுроЯрой்,
роЕроиீродிроХро│ுроХ்роХெродிро░ாрой роЙроЩ்роХро│் роЪроХோродро░рой்,
роХு.рооுрод்родுроХ்роХுрооாро░், роХொро│род்родூро░், роЪெрой்ройை-99
роЕро░ுрооைрод்родрооро┤் роороХ்роХро│ே, роЕроиீродிроХро│ுроХ்роХெродிро░ாрой рокோро░ாроЯ்роЯрод்родிро▓் роироо் роЪроХோродро░்роХро│ுроо், рокிро│்ро│ைроХро│ுроо் роЕро▒ிро╡ாропுродроо் роПрои்родிропிро░ுроХ்роХிро▒ாро░்роХро│். роиாрой் роЙропிро░ாропுродроо் роПрои்родிропிро░ுроХ்роХிро▒ேрой். роиீроЩ்роХро│் роироХро▓ாропுродроо் роПрои்родுроЩ்роХро│். роЖроо், роЙроЩ்роХро│் роХைропிро▓் роХிроЯைрод்родிро░ுроХ்роХுроо் роЗрои்родрод் родுрог்роЯро▒ிроХ்роХைропை роироХро▓ெроЯுрод்родு, роЙроЩ்роХро│் роирог்рокро░்роХро│், роЙро▒ро╡ிройро░்роХро│், рооாрогро╡ро░்роХро│் ро╡роЪроо் роХொроЯுрод்родு, рокோро░ாроЯ்роЯрод்родிро▒்роХாрой роЖродро░ро╡ைрок் рокெро░ுроХрок் рокрог்рогுроЩ்роХро│் роирой்ро▒ி.
---------------------------------------------------------------------
родрооிро┤் роУро╡ிропா роЪொрой்ройродு :
рооுрод்родுроХ் роХுрооாро░ிрой் роЙрогро░்ро╡ை роородிроХ்роХிро▒ேрой். роЕродே ро╡ெро│ை роЗродு рокோрой்ро▒ роХுро▒ிрок்рокாроХ родீроХ்роХுро│ிрок்рокு рокோрой்ро▒ рокோро░ாроЯроЩ்роХро│் родேро╡ைропிро▓்ро▓ாродродு. роЕро░ுро│்роХூро░்рои்родு ропோроЪிрод்родு рооாро▒்ро▒ுрок் рокோро░роЯ்роЯ ро╡роЯிро╡род்родை роХைропிро▓ெроЯுроЩ்роХро│்.
роЗродு роХுро▒ிрод்родு родி.роХ.родро▓ைро╡ро░். роХி.ро╡ீро░роорогி роЕро╡ро░்роХро│் ро╡ிроЯுрод்родுро│்ро│ роЪெроп்родி роЗродோ:
"роЕрои்родோ! роХொроЯுрооை! роХொроЯுрооை!! роИро┤род் родрооிро┤ро░் рокிро░роЪ்роЪிройை:
роЪெрой்ройைропிро▓் роЗро│ைроЮро░் родீроХ்роХுро│ிрод்родு рооро░рогроо்
родро▒்роХொро▓ைрок் рокோро░ாроЯ்роЯрод்родைроХ் роХைро╡ிроЯ்роЯு
роЕро▒рок்рокோро░்рокро▒்ро▒ி роЪிрои்родிропுроЩ்роХро│்!
родрооிро┤ро░் родро▓ைро╡ро░் роХி. ро╡ீро░роорогி роЕрой்рокு ро╡ேрог்роЯுроХோро│்
роИро┤род் родрооிро┤ро░் рокроЯுроХொро▓ைропைрод் родроЯுроХ்роХ ро╡ேрог்роЯி рооாрогро╡ро░்роХро│் роЙрог்рогாро╡ிро░родроо் рокோрой்ро▒ роЕро▒рок்рокோро░்роХро│ிро▓் роИроЯுрокроЯ்роЯродைрод் родாрог்роЯி, роЗрой்ро▒ு роЪெрой்ройை роЪாро╕்родிро░ி рокро╡рой் рооுрой்рокு родூрод்родுроХ்роХுроЯிропைроЪ் роЪேро░்рои்род рооுрод்родுроХ்роХுрооாро░் роОрой்рокро╡ро░் родройроХ்роХுрод்родாройே родீроХ்роХுро│ிрод்родு роЗро▒рои்родு ро╡ிроЯ்роЯாро░் роОрой்ро▒ роЪெроп்родி рооிроХுрои்род ро╡ேродройைроХ்роХுро░ிропродு; роЖро┤்рои்род родுрой்рокрод்родைрод் родро░ுро╡родு.
роЗрои்родிропрок் рокேро░ро░роЪு роЗродுрокோрой்ро▒ роХொроЯுрооைроХро│் роироЯроХ்роХாро╡рог்рогроо் рооேро▓ுроо் рокோро░் роиிро▒ுрод்родрод்родிро▒்роХு ро╡ро▒்рокுро▒ுрод்род рооுрой்ро╡ாро░ுроЩ்роХро│்.
роИро┤род் родрооிро┤ро░் рокроЯுроХொро▓ைропைрод் родроЯுроХ்роХ роЗроЩ்роХுро│்ро│ роиாроо் роЙропிро░்род் родிропாроХроо் роЪெроп்ро╡родு роОрой்рокродройாро▓் рооுро┤ுрок் рокропрой் роЕроЯைрои்родு ро╡ிроЯ рооுроЯிропாродு. роиாроо் роЕройைро╡ро░ுроо் роТрой்ро▒ுрокроЯ்роЯு рокோро░ாроЯிроЯ роЙропிро░ுроЯрой் роЗро░ுрок்рокродு роЕро╡роЪிропрооாроХுроо்.
роОройро╡ே, рооாрогро╡род் родோро┤ро░்роХро│ே, роЗро│ைроЮро░்роХро│ே роЕро░ுро│்роХூро░்рои்родு роЗроо்рооாродிро░ி родро▒்роХொро▓ைрок் рокோро░ாроЯ்роЯ рооுропро▒்роЪிропைроХ் роХைро╡ிроЯ்роЯு, ро╡ேро▒ு роЖроХ்роХ ро░ீродிропாрой роЕро▒рок்рокோро░்роХро│் рокро▒்ро▒ி роЪிрои்родிропுроЩ்роХро│் роОрой்ро▒ு роЕрой்рокுроЯройுроо், роЙро░ிрооைропுроЯрой் рооாрогро╡род் родோро┤ро░்роХро│ை ро╡ேрог்роЯிроХ் роХேроЯ்роЯுроХ் роХொро│்роХிро▒ோроо்.
———роирой்ро▒ி "ро╡ிроЯுродро▓ை" 29-1-2009
роирой்ро▒ி
http://thamizhoviya.blogspot.com/
роЪாроХிрой்ро▒ாроп்.. родрооிро┤ா роЪாроХிрой்ро▒ாроп்....
роЙрой்ройை роЪாроХроЪ் роЪெроп்ро╡ாройை роЪாроХроЪ் роЪெроп்ропாрооро▓்
роЪாроХிрой்ро▒ாроп்...!
родрооிро┤ா роЪாроХிрой்ро▒ாроп்....
MAHATHMA GANDHI: A ONE-MAN ARMY! DEATH ANNIVERSARY!!!
Death anniversary today:
Mahatma Gandhi’s weapon was Satyagraha
Chelvatamby MANICCAVASAGAR
Mahatma Gandhiji’s technique of spirituality in action and his teachings will undoubtedly redeem millions of people from violent, hatred, fear and tension.
Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi appeared on the political scene in 1915 accordingly and reverentially hailed as the ‘Father of the Nation’ He played a very important and crucial role to India’s attainment of independence in August 1947.
Mahatma Gandhi
The briefless barrister as he was once called at the time of his journey to South Africa, he had a special role to play in the country. He returned to India at a time when the country in general and the Indian National Congress in particular needed very much his valued guidance, wise counsel and astute leadership. He did not fail the party nor the country.
The weapon adopted by Gandhi was Satyagraha and through civil disobedience and peaceful non-co-operation he completely unsettled the mighty British Empire which was ruling the country for more than a century. The peaceful non-violence methods adopted by Gandhi disarmed the British rulers.
In fact, Mahatma Gandhi was fundamentally incomprehensible to the supercilious high brow western intellectuals who were blatantly boastful of their superior civilization which precariously and perilously plunged the whole nation into the vortex of nuclear disaster.
Mahatma Gandhi had the nobility to handsomely acknowledge the virtue of those who differed. He never forgot that his detractors were made of the same flesh and blood and endowed with the same instincts and passions, hopes and aspirations. He knew the art of differing without bitterness.
Talks between Gandhi and Lord Irwin the Viceroy took place in New Delhi in 1931. Winston Churchill did not like it at all. He was revolted by the nauseating and humiliating spectacles of this one time Inner Temple lawyer, now a seditious Fakir, striding half naked up the steps of the viceroy’s palace to negotiate and parley an equal terms and with the representative of the King Emperor.
When Gandhi heard about this, he wrote a delightful rejoinder, “you are reported to have expressed the desire to crush the Naked Fakir as you are said to have described me. I have been long trying to be a Fakir and that too naked, a more difficult task. I therefore regard the expression as a compliment though unintentional”.
On another occasion there was a debate between Rabindranath Tagore and Gandhi on the meaning of culture. Tagore expressed great joy and satisfaction he derived from the beauty of nature and art, the glories of dawn, dusk, the procession of season, the freshness of trees and flowers.
In reply Gandhi said that “it is good enough to talk of God, the beauties of the nature and art while we are sitting here after a nice breakfast and looking forward to a nice lunch. But, how am I to talk of God to millions who have to go without one meal a day.”
The communal virus took such deep roots that Gandhi was considered more a hindrance to one section of the people. A fanatic took an unusual course. A plot was hatched and it was carried out at the last prayer meeting to be addressed by Gandhi on Friday, January 30, 1948. Nathu Ram Vinayak Godse came very close to Gandhi, greeted him with folded hands and then pulled out a revolver and shot at him from close and point blank range.
This sad news conveyed to the country by Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru. He went on National Radio shortly after the bullets struck and speaking extemporaneously with tears and emotions he said, “The light has gone out of our lives and there is darkness everywhere and I do not quite know what to tell you and how to say it. Our beloved leader Balu as we called him, the father of our nation is no more.”
Nehru further said: “the light that shone in this country was no ordinary light. The light that has illuminated this country for many more years and thousand years later that this light will be seen in this country and the world will see it and it will give solace to innumerable hearts.
Indeed, Mahatma Gandhi was the spokesman for the conscience of all mankind.
DAILYNEWS.LK
Thursday, January 29, 2009
UNHCHR!!! HELP STOP KILLING OF INNOCENT TAMIL IDPs!!!
Save Us from Genocide!!!
An English Teacher from Puthukkudiyiruppu writes to Navaneetham Pillai, UN Human Rights Commissioner!
As Sri Lankan government forces continue to bomb the civilian population in Vanni, an English school teacher from that area in an urgent letter to Ms Navaneetham Pillai, UN High Commissioner for Human Rights has appealed to save the people of Vanni from genocide. "I make this appeal in extreme desperation and as a final resort when hope is fading from our Tamil people. From hearing your comments regarding the war in Gaza over the radio, I understand that your compassion is with the suffering people and you may make a similar effort to save us" S. Thanachchelvi, an English school teacher from Puthukkudiyiruppu, Mullaitivu wrote in her letter.
"I am an English school teather in the Vanni in Sri Lanka and I Have experienced the most brutal effects of the government�s war first hand. Witnessing school children being injured daily from the very early stages of the war, I am sad to say that the fear ruling our people and the gruesome effects of this war has become extremely worse with no signs of change coming in the near future. I fear, as do the people, that any further delay in receiving help from the outside world will allow too much more loss of lives and then it may be too late to restore the peace and stability of the Tamil people in our homeland," Thanachchelvi said.
The letter further said:
In the beginning we brought children outside the classroom and taught them under the shelter of trees as aerial bombing was targeting schools. We had to ensure that there were bunkers close to the school areas so that we may protect all at an instant. But as the army was coming closer, bombing larger areas and shelling randomly we are forced to be constantly running with no place being safe for civilians.
Children have stopped schooling, some have been left orphaned with nobody to care for them and we all on the move with families, displacing every few days. We have lost most of our possessions and many loved ones. The army has no mercy and has increased their shelling on us. We are afraid to steep at night. They have been using what we hear are called cluster bombs which are unheardly fierce. People have died in front of our eyes and we are forced to run away while trying to help the injured as firing and shelling is so aggressive.
We have no food and there are no more NGO's except for the ICRC and TRO helping us. Even this help is not enough as there are so many people within a small area and no easy access to them. Our hospitals are being bombed and we have limited medical supplies. Those who suffer from injuries cannot survive waiting for ambulances and care.
There is no media to tell our sufferings to and the world does not see us dying in numbers everyday. We desperately need this war to stop. Please take some effort to help stop this killing of the innocent people. The army will not rest until there is no more place for us to run and then until there are none of us left. I humbly ask this, on behalf of a crying nation.
Yours Sincerely
Thanachchelvi .S
Puthukkudiyiruppu, Mullaitivu District
Sri Lanka
The letter by courtesy. TamilSydney
Nitharsanam.com
An English Teacher from Puthukkudiyiruppu writes to Navaneetham Pillai, UN Human Rights Commissioner!
As Sri Lankan government forces continue to bomb the civilian population in Vanni, an English school teacher from that area in an urgent letter to Ms Navaneetham Pillai, UN High Commissioner for Human Rights has appealed to save the people of Vanni from genocide. "I make this appeal in extreme desperation and as a final resort when hope is fading from our Tamil people. From hearing your comments regarding the war in Gaza over the radio, I understand that your compassion is with the suffering people and you may make a similar effort to save us" S. Thanachchelvi, an English school teacher from Puthukkudiyiruppu, Mullaitivu wrote in her letter.
"I am an English school teather in the Vanni in Sri Lanka and I Have experienced the most brutal effects of the government�s war first hand. Witnessing school children being injured daily from the very early stages of the war, I am sad to say that the fear ruling our people and the gruesome effects of this war has become extremely worse with no signs of change coming in the near future. I fear, as do the people, that any further delay in receiving help from the outside world will allow too much more loss of lives and then it may be too late to restore the peace and stability of the Tamil people in our homeland," Thanachchelvi said.
The letter further said:
In the beginning we brought children outside the classroom and taught them under the shelter of trees as aerial bombing was targeting schools. We had to ensure that there were bunkers close to the school areas so that we may protect all at an instant. But as the army was coming closer, bombing larger areas and shelling randomly we are forced to be constantly running with no place being safe for civilians.
Children have stopped schooling, some have been left orphaned with nobody to care for them and we all on the move with families, displacing every few days. We have lost most of our possessions and many loved ones. The army has no mercy and has increased their shelling on us. We are afraid to steep at night. They have been using what we hear are called cluster bombs which are unheardly fierce. People have died in front of our eyes and we are forced to run away while trying to help the injured as firing and shelling is so aggressive.
We have no food and there are no more NGO's except for the ICRC and TRO helping us. Even this help is not enough as there are so many people within a small area and no easy access to them. Our hospitals are being bombed and we have limited medical supplies. Those who suffer from injuries cannot survive waiting for ambulances and care.
There is no media to tell our sufferings to and the world does not see us dying in numbers everyday. We desperately need this war to stop. Please take some effort to help stop this killing of the innocent people. The army will not rest until there is no more place for us to run and then until there are none of us left. I humbly ask this, on behalf of a crying nation.
Yours Sincerely
Thanachchelvi .S
Puthukkudiyiruppu, Mullaitivu District
Sri Lanka
The letter by courtesy. TamilSydney
Nitharsanam.com
Tuesday, January 27, 2009
POLITICS, ETHICS AND DEMOCRACY......!!!
Mahatma Gandhi
Jawaharlal Nehru
Politics, ethics and democracy
NARESH GUPTA
Democracy is at stake if the loudest voice counts as the voice of wisdom or when coercive pressures take the place of reason and persuasion
Democracy was never alien to India. In fact, India could be considered to have been the cradle of democracy. The roots of Indian democracy can be traced back to as early as the Vedic age.
There was a time when India was studded with republics. Even where there were monarchies, they were either elected or limited. They had to function in accordance with dharma, or the rule of law.
Pali texts provide interesting details of how the assemblies of republics in the post-Vedic period functioned like parliaments and followed highly sophisticated procedures. However, the parliamentary system in its modern connotation owes its origin and growth to India's British connection for some two centuries.
The Indian Independence Act, 1947, provided for the setting up of two dominions of India and Pakistan with effect from August 15, 1947. It was, according to Lord Samuel, "an event unique in history - a treaty of peace without war."
The Founding Fathers of the Constitution chose the system of representative parliamentary democracy with universal adult franchise. Freedom brings responsibility. Building on the traditions of the national movement, Indian leaders strengthened the foundations of democracy in the country by the manner of their functioning. They gave due importance to the institutional aspects of the democratic system and adhered not only to the forms of democratic institutions and procedures but also the spirit.
From an electorate of around 173 million in 1951 when India went to the polls for the first time under the Constitution, the number of electors swelled to nearly 672 million in 2004.
The fair and peaceful conduct of elections periodically with a large turn-out of voters, especially of the rural folk and women, and the participation of all groups with differing ideology and religious faith, is an indication of the acceptance of the framework of the Constitution and the growing political awareness among the people. India is the largest democracy in the world.
These elections have demonstrated that the democratic urge is very deep-rooted among the people of India and their faith in a constitutional system of government very strong.
Jawaharlal Nehru was quite amazed at democracy functioning so successfully in India. On the last day of the second Lok Sabha, he could say with some satisfaction on the floor of the House: "Democracy... is the hallmark of India at present. But democracy does not consist of 210 million people voting.
Democracy, ultimately, is a way of life, a way of reacting to circumstances, a way of thinking and a way of putting with the things we dislike even. And I think we have done fairly well... and considering the state of the world today when every other day we read bout coup d' etats in various countries, it is surprising how we have carried on in our normal way."
If we are to live in peace and happiness, every nation, community, and the individual must envision universal and humanitarian ideals and must strive to practise them in thought, speech and action. Religion and even politics must be founded on moral and spiritual fundamentals. In ancient India, politics was regarded as a branch of ethics. Peace, justice and liberty for all were the prime purposes of politics.
Mahatma Gandhi recommended that politics should be a branch of ethics. While there has been considerable progress on the economic front, there has been regression of the values in the society and devaluation of the institutions.
The expectation at the time of Independence that public men would sacrifice their personal interest for public welfare has not been fulfilled. Mahatma Gandhi did not want the constructive workers, the men and women who had directed the several organisations over the years to remove untouchability, extend basic education, improve food cultivation, develop village industries and encourage hand spinning, to go into power politics. That would, he felt, spell ruin.
Democracy is at stake if the loudest voice counts as the voice of wisdom or when coercive pressures take the place of reason and persuasion. Referring to his tours, especially concerned with the general elections that were approaching at that time, Nehru wrote: "Elections were an inseparable part of the democratic process and there was no way of doing away with them.
Yet, often enough, elections bring out the evil side of man and they do not always lead to the success of the better man."
In his address on October 18, 1951, Nehru laid great emphasis on the importance of the right means to achieve right ends. He said: "... [I]f in our eagerness to win the elections, we compromise with something that is wrong, then we have lost the fight already and it matters little who tops the poll..."
(Naresh Gupta is an Indian Administrative Service officer serving as Chief Electoral Officer, Tamil Nadu.)
Courtesy: The Hindu
Wednesday, January 21, 2009
SL: CONFLICT OF COURAGE AND COWARDICE!!!
Conflict of courage and cowardice
My dear Mahinda Aiya,
Ayubown, vanakkam, assalamu alaikkum and congratulations on the commanding heights reached by the military on the battle front, though opposition critics accuse the government of abusing the military success and sacrifices for personal gain or glory at the up coming provincial elections.
According to latest reports, intense battles are continuing with heavy casualty tolls, while government leaders or spokesmen are expressing confidence in a total victory by Independence Day February 4 or Provincial Council Election Day February 14. The main opposition UNP, the JVP and other parties while hailing the military triumphs and the brave troops are accusing the government of misusing the victory over terrorism for election purposes or to cover up attacks of on human and democratic rights including media freedom. The UNP and other opposition parties have formed a joint front to launch a full scale campaign against what they see as the intensifying moves to suppress media freedom. This comes in the wake of the daylight slaying of The Sunday Leader’s courageous editor-in-chief Lasantha Wickrematunge.
He was killed on January 8 by four gunmen, in a high security zone close to the Sri Lanka Air Force’s Ratmalana base. Ten days after the slaying of the brave and high profile editor, police as usual have made little progress in tracking down the killers. The epitaph written by Mr. Wickrematunge before his death and published in the newspaper on January 11 has become a worldwide hit with millions of people reportedly reading it on the website. Speaking at Mr. Wickrematunge’s funeral last Monday SLFP (M) leader Mangala Samaraweera said at least two more well-known journalists were leaving the country following the killing of the outspoken editor. On Wednesday Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa in a long interview telecast live on several channels accused the MTV/Sirasa of being a voice of the Tigers. He hit out particularly of MTV channel 1 chief Chevan Daniel, accusing him of being a Tiger and threatening to put him in jail. Amid wide speculation Mr. Daniel went missing from that night and some reports say he also has left the country. The CID Chief told a Sunday newspaper that his detectives were looking for Mr. Daniel to question him. But The Sunday Times in its political column quoted President Mahinda Rajapaksa as saying he knew nothing about plans to arrest the MTV channel 1 chief.
Mangala Samaraweera also told a news conference on Wednesday that he would be going to the United States soon to tell new President Barack Obama and Secretary of State Hillary Clinton that an American citizen was planning a coup in Sri Lanka. This set off speculation, rumours and a guessing game as to who this American citizen is.
As the battles on the Northern front reached a climax , The Sunday Times in its front page lead story, highlighted another bombshell – the looming economic crisis.
According to independent economists, Sri Lanka’s foreign exchange reserves have plunged to an all time low and are sufficient for only another six weeks, while the basic minimum should be two months. The economists believe, the government has two options to overcome the crisis – a 20 per cent devaluation which means a US dollar would cost about Rs.130 or to accept an IMF bailout package which might include conditions such as privatization of state enterprises. But the Central Bank and its controversial Governor Ajith Nivaard Cabraal appear to be confident that Sri Lanka could would deal with the situation. They seem to be placing their bets on a different bailout package – raising about 500 million US dollars from Sri Lankans working overseas. This will be launched on February 4 apparently tapping into the patriotic fervour of some one million Sri Lankans working overseas. Government leaders or Central Bank officials are likely to go to some of the countries where hundreds of thousands of Sri Lankans are working to add fuel to this fund.
Another vital issue in the headlines last week was the visit of India’s Foreign Secretary Shiv Shankar Menon. The Foreign Ministry gave various reasons but a Sunday newspaper said Mr. Menon had told a TNA delegation he had come to reiterate India’s call for a political solution based on the 13th Amendment to the Constitution. While government leaders were saying different things about Mr. Menon’s visit, the JVP came out with all guns ablaze accusing India of arm-twisting Sri Lanka, and attacking the government for bowing to Indian pressure.
The crisis within crisis, conflict within conflict and horse deals within jack boots continue with the added mystery as to who is planning a coup against whom as a former editor said in a tribute to Lasantha Wickrematunge the four motorcyclists who killed The Sunday Leader Editor portrayed the imagery of the four horsemen in the story of the apocalypse and we need to read the signs of the times. The end time story of the apocalypse concludes with a word Maranatha. Whatever that may sound like in Sinhala, the meaning in the Aramaic language of the apocalypse is the hope that at least the Wickrematunge family is clinging to. Brave crusaders like Lasantha die but once. Cowards and sanctimonious humbugs die many times before their deaths. Yours sincerely,
Koththa-malli
courtesy:dailymirror.lk
My dear Mahinda Aiya,
Ayubown, vanakkam, assalamu alaikkum and congratulations on the commanding heights reached by the military on the battle front, though opposition critics accuse the government of abusing the military success and sacrifices for personal gain or glory at the up coming provincial elections.
According to latest reports, intense battles are continuing with heavy casualty tolls, while government leaders or spokesmen are expressing confidence in a total victory by Independence Day February 4 or Provincial Council Election Day February 14. The main opposition UNP, the JVP and other parties while hailing the military triumphs and the brave troops are accusing the government of misusing the victory over terrorism for election purposes or to cover up attacks of on human and democratic rights including media freedom. The UNP and other opposition parties have formed a joint front to launch a full scale campaign against what they see as the intensifying moves to suppress media freedom. This comes in the wake of the daylight slaying of The Sunday Leader’s courageous editor-in-chief Lasantha Wickrematunge.
He was killed on January 8 by four gunmen, in a high security zone close to the Sri Lanka Air Force’s Ratmalana base. Ten days after the slaying of the brave and high profile editor, police as usual have made little progress in tracking down the killers. The epitaph written by Mr. Wickrematunge before his death and published in the newspaper on January 11 has become a worldwide hit with millions of people reportedly reading it on the website. Speaking at Mr. Wickrematunge’s funeral last Monday SLFP (M) leader Mangala Samaraweera said at least two more well-known journalists were leaving the country following the killing of the outspoken editor. On Wednesday Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa in a long interview telecast live on several channels accused the MTV/Sirasa of being a voice of the Tigers. He hit out particularly of MTV channel 1 chief Chevan Daniel, accusing him of being a Tiger and threatening to put him in jail. Amid wide speculation Mr. Daniel went missing from that night and some reports say he also has left the country. The CID Chief told a Sunday newspaper that his detectives were looking for Mr. Daniel to question him. But The Sunday Times in its political column quoted President Mahinda Rajapaksa as saying he knew nothing about plans to arrest the MTV channel 1 chief.
Mangala Samaraweera also told a news conference on Wednesday that he would be going to the United States soon to tell new President Barack Obama and Secretary of State Hillary Clinton that an American citizen was planning a coup in Sri Lanka. This set off speculation, rumours and a guessing game as to who this American citizen is.
As the battles on the Northern front reached a climax , The Sunday Times in its front page lead story, highlighted another bombshell – the looming economic crisis.
According to independent economists, Sri Lanka’s foreign exchange reserves have plunged to an all time low and are sufficient for only another six weeks, while the basic minimum should be two months. The economists believe, the government has two options to overcome the crisis – a 20 per cent devaluation which means a US dollar would cost about Rs.130 or to accept an IMF bailout package which might include conditions such as privatization of state enterprises. But the Central Bank and its controversial Governor Ajith Nivaard Cabraal appear to be confident that Sri Lanka could would deal with the situation. They seem to be placing their bets on a different bailout package – raising about 500 million US dollars from Sri Lankans working overseas. This will be launched on February 4 apparently tapping into the patriotic fervour of some one million Sri Lankans working overseas. Government leaders or Central Bank officials are likely to go to some of the countries where hundreds of thousands of Sri Lankans are working to add fuel to this fund.
Another vital issue in the headlines last week was the visit of India’s Foreign Secretary Shiv Shankar Menon. The Foreign Ministry gave various reasons but a Sunday newspaper said Mr. Menon had told a TNA delegation he had come to reiterate India’s call for a political solution based on the 13th Amendment to the Constitution. While government leaders were saying different things about Mr. Menon’s visit, the JVP came out with all guns ablaze accusing India of arm-twisting Sri Lanka, and attacking the government for bowing to Indian pressure.
The crisis within crisis, conflict within conflict and horse deals within jack boots continue with the added mystery as to who is planning a coup against whom as a former editor said in a tribute to Lasantha Wickrematunge the four motorcyclists who killed The Sunday Leader Editor portrayed the imagery of the four horsemen in the story of the apocalypse and we need to read the signs of the times. The end time story of the apocalypse concludes with a word Maranatha. Whatever that may sound like in Sinhala, the meaning in the Aramaic language of the apocalypse is the hope that at least the Wickrematunge family is clinging to. Brave crusaders like Lasantha die but once. Cowards and sanctimonious humbugs die many times before their deaths. Yours sincerely,
Koththa-malli
courtesy:dailymirror.lk
Monday, January 19, 2009
SINHALA GOVT SHD SHOW GENUINE CONCERN FOR TAMIL IDPs!! THAT HELPS RECONCILIATION AND POLITICAL SOLUTION!!!
THE MIXED MESSAGE OF THE MILITARY SOLUTION.............JEHAN PERERA,N.P.C.
The government's message of military success in the war against the LTTE is getting worldwide attention. Journalists from around the world have recently been finding Sri Lanka to be an interesting story to cover. The prestigious Wall Street Journal published in the United States has offered Sri Lanka as evidence that a military solution to conflicts is possible. In an editorial, it has said that "For those who argue that there is no military solution for terrorism, we have two words: Sri Lanka." Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa has disclosed that international leaders have praised Sri Lanka's army commander as the best in the world and that foreign military powers are looking to Sri Lanka for lessons in military success.
Although relatively small and distant from the power centres of the world, Sri Lanka has frequently been an object of international scrutiny for the best of reasons. In the 1960s and 70s, the country was studied on account of its social welfare system that enabled the people to enjoy a quality of life that exceeded its relatively low per capita income. However, after 1980 international attention, turned less favourable with the rise of the ethnic conflict. The flow of refugees abroad and reports of human rights abuses involving the ethnic minority made Sri Lanka's reputation fall in the estimation of the international community.
The peace process of 2002 once again propelled Sri Lanka into the favourable attention of the world. It seemed for a while that Sri Lanka provided a model of conflict resolution with international third party mediation playing a key role. Former Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe is one of the few leaders in the world at the present time who has risked his political future on a peaceful resolution of a long standing conflict. If this brave experiment had succeeded, the world might today be a better place, with more emphasis given to non-violent means of conflict resolution. Those who speak and write in praise of the military solution often ignore the terrible costs it imposes on the people, both in the short and longer terms, and by suppressing the need for a just and equitable political solution.
HIGH COSTS
Today, one of the stories doing the rounds in conservative circles in the world, epitomized by the Wall Street Journal, is that of the effectiveness of military solutions. Military solutions are popular with those who are powerful, because it means that they do not need to change. The other, who challenges, is destroyed, so there is no more need to change. The stakes are high. A new US president is about to deliver on his pledge to give a new direction to his country in both its domestic and foreign policy. There is anticipation that the Obama Administration will be more inclined to peaceful ways of conflict resolution than its predecessor. Secretary of State Hilary Clinton has said that not all terrorists are the same, and some have legitimate causes on which basis they fight.
Sri Lanka has become thrust on the international scene as an ideological support to those who believe in military solutions to terrorism. It is used to justify the Israeli military incursion into Gaza and the continuing US battle to subdue the Taliban in Afghanistan. However, many of those who praise the Sri Lankan government for its military success seem to be glossing over its high economic and human costs. The economy is in the doldrums, affecting all sections of the population, even though the majority appears to be acquiescing in these costs for the sake of a final victory over terrorism. Most government spokespersons claim, both to the domestic and international media, that the military operations have been clean with relatively few civilian casualties. But those on the ground contend that the reality is otherwise.
The Bishop of Jaffna, Thomas Savundaranayagam has recently made an appeal to the International Committee of the Red Cross and to other humanitarian organisations to open a safe corridor for the civilian population to flee the battle zones of the north. He has written, "The security forces have captured and taken over Dharmapuram on the A35 road, and they are pressing towards Puthukuduyirippu from the west. And the security forces are also advancing from south of Oddusudan. Hundreds of people are trapped between Visvamadu and Puthukuduyirippu. Many people are dying or seriously getting wounded during this confrontation from aerial bombings and firing from artillery shells." The Bishop's words contradict the government claim of a clean war and need to be taken notice of and acted upon.
GOVERNMENT ACTION
For its part, the government has invited the trapped civilians of the north to come over to government controlled areas and has prepared places for them, even if their suitability is in question. But, the LTTE has been preventing the people from leaving, even at gunpoint it is reported. If the people remain in those areas, they can be used as human shields and as a pool for forcible recruitment by the LTTE. While offering his services and those of his priests for the task of evacuating the people, Bishop Savundaranayagam has said that "our inactivity at this time will merit the blame of the world, that the UN agencies just watched when innocent internally displaced persons were being killed in the Wanni."
When fighting in the north commenced several months ago, the government issued a directive to all international humanitarian organisations to leave those areas. The only international organization that was permitted to remain was the ICRC, which has a mandate that calls for strict confidentiality of their findings. As a result, there are no independent international witnesses in the northern battle zones who could give credible information to the international media. It also leaves the ICRC to undertake by themselves a humanitarian task of enormous proportions that they are not equipped to handle alone.
As the war comes to its possibly final and most costly stage, it is incumbent on the government to demonstrate genuine concern for the trapped people of the northern battle zones. Such evidence of concern will do much to facilitate reconciliation and a political solution in the future. Every effort needs to be taken to persuade the LTTE to permit the people to leave for safer places through the establishment of a humanitarian corridor. The government has recently banned the LTTE for the very reason of its refusal to let the people leave. But, the government needs to consider permitting international humanitarian organisations to open up lines of communication with the LTTE for the purpose of safeguarding the lives of the trapped people of the Wanni. Even a government that has given priority to a military solution, and won international recognition for it, ought to give deference to humanitarian requirements. If the truth is known, the people of the world will agree.
dailymirror.lk
The government's message of military success in the war against the LTTE is getting worldwide attention. Journalists from around the world have recently been finding Sri Lanka to be an interesting story to cover. The prestigious Wall Street Journal published in the United States has offered Sri Lanka as evidence that a military solution to conflicts is possible. In an editorial, it has said that "For those who argue that there is no military solution for terrorism, we have two words: Sri Lanka." Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa has disclosed that international leaders have praised Sri Lanka's army commander as the best in the world and that foreign military powers are looking to Sri Lanka for lessons in military success.
Although relatively small and distant from the power centres of the world, Sri Lanka has frequently been an object of international scrutiny for the best of reasons. In the 1960s and 70s, the country was studied on account of its social welfare system that enabled the people to enjoy a quality of life that exceeded its relatively low per capita income. However, after 1980 international attention, turned less favourable with the rise of the ethnic conflict. The flow of refugees abroad and reports of human rights abuses involving the ethnic minority made Sri Lanka's reputation fall in the estimation of the international community.
The peace process of 2002 once again propelled Sri Lanka into the favourable attention of the world. It seemed for a while that Sri Lanka provided a model of conflict resolution with international third party mediation playing a key role. Former Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe is one of the few leaders in the world at the present time who has risked his political future on a peaceful resolution of a long standing conflict. If this brave experiment had succeeded, the world might today be a better place, with more emphasis given to non-violent means of conflict resolution. Those who speak and write in praise of the military solution often ignore the terrible costs it imposes on the people, both in the short and longer terms, and by suppressing the need for a just and equitable political solution.
HIGH COSTS
Today, one of the stories doing the rounds in conservative circles in the world, epitomized by the Wall Street Journal, is that of the effectiveness of military solutions. Military solutions are popular with those who are powerful, because it means that they do not need to change. The other, who challenges, is destroyed, so there is no more need to change. The stakes are high. A new US president is about to deliver on his pledge to give a new direction to his country in both its domestic and foreign policy. There is anticipation that the Obama Administration will be more inclined to peaceful ways of conflict resolution than its predecessor. Secretary of State Hilary Clinton has said that not all terrorists are the same, and some have legitimate causes on which basis they fight.
Sri Lanka has become thrust on the international scene as an ideological support to those who believe in military solutions to terrorism. It is used to justify the Israeli military incursion into Gaza and the continuing US battle to subdue the Taliban in Afghanistan. However, many of those who praise the Sri Lankan government for its military success seem to be glossing over its high economic and human costs. The economy is in the doldrums, affecting all sections of the population, even though the majority appears to be acquiescing in these costs for the sake of a final victory over terrorism. Most government spokespersons claim, both to the domestic and international media, that the military operations have been clean with relatively few civilian casualties. But those on the ground contend that the reality is otherwise.
The Bishop of Jaffna, Thomas Savundaranayagam has recently made an appeal to the International Committee of the Red Cross and to other humanitarian organisations to open a safe corridor for the civilian population to flee the battle zones of the north. He has written, "The security forces have captured and taken over Dharmapuram on the A35 road, and they are pressing towards Puthukuduyirippu from the west. And the security forces are also advancing from south of Oddusudan. Hundreds of people are trapped between Visvamadu and Puthukuduyirippu. Many people are dying or seriously getting wounded during this confrontation from aerial bombings and firing from artillery shells." The Bishop's words contradict the government claim of a clean war and need to be taken notice of and acted upon.
GOVERNMENT ACTION
For its part, the government has invited the trapped civilians of the north to come over to government controlled areas and has prepared places for them, even if their suitability is in question. But, the LTTE has been preventing the people from leaving, even at gunpoint it is reported. If the people remain in those areas, they can be used as human shields and as a pool for forcible recruitment by the LTTE. While offering his services and those of his priests for the task of evacuating the people, Bishop Savundaranayagam has said that "our inactivity at this time will merit the blame of the world, that the UN agencies just watched when innocent internally displaced persons were being killed in the Wanni."
When fighting in the north commenced several months ago, the government issued a directive to all international humanitarian organisations to leave those areas. The only international organization that was permitted to remain was the ICRC, which has a mandate that calls for strict confidentiality of their findings. As a result, there are no independent international witnesses in the northern battle zones who could give credible information to the international media. It also leaves the ICRC to undertake by themselves a humanitarian task of enormous proportions that they are not equipped to handle alone.
As the war comes to its possibly final and most costly stage, it is incumbent on the government to demonstrate genuine concern for the trapped people of the northern battle zones. Such evidence of concern will do much to facilitate reconciliation and a political solution in the future. Every effort needs to be taken to persuade the LTTE to permit the people to leave for safer places through the establishment of a humanitarian corridor. The government has recently banned the LTTE for the very reason of its refusal to let the people leave. But, the government needs to consider permitting international humanitarian organisations to open up lines of communication with the LTTE for the purpose of safeguarding the lives of the trapped people of the Wanni. Even a government that has given priority to a military solution, and won international recognition for it, ought to give deference to humanitarian requirements. If the truth is known, the people of the world will agree.
dailymirror.lk