The courage to fight corruption...............by Dr. A. C. Visvalingam
President, Citizens’ Movement for Good Governance,Colombo,SL
Sugathapala Medis in -his early eighties, and R. M. B. Senanayake, in his early seventies, have displayed civic consciousness, intelligence and courage of a high order in taking up the question of the administrative, executive and legal irregularities pertaining to The Water’s Edge matter. At an age when most of our elder citizens have become anaesthetised into accepting all kinds of chicanery, cruelty, crudity, violence, injustice and inefficiency without protest, these two stalwarts rose up on behalf of the twenty million long-suffering citizens of Sri Lanka and gave of their time, energy, knowledge and other resources to expose a huge fraud. In the process, they created an opportunity for the highest court in the land to shed fresh light on the hitherto falsely held views regarding presidential immunity. The Supreme court also stressed upon the compelling implications of the oaths taken by a multitude of persons to obey and safeguard the Constitution, to observe the Rule of Law, and to protect the public interest. We wish we could reward Medis and Senanayake in some tangible way but, until such time as we are in a position to do so, we are constrained to limit ourselves to wishing them good health and long life to remain as beacons for the younger generations to emulate.
It was only in March 2006, following years of unending revelations in the Press, that the Citizens.’ Movement for Good Governance (CIMOGG) called for a Presidential Commission to be appointed to inquire into the Water’s Edge matter as well as a number of other questionable deals. If it was not for the media taking vast risks in reporting on the acts and wrongdoings of those holding power and wealth, CIMOGG would not even have known about any of the misdemeanours listed. Among the media men and women who confront the most unscrupulous rogues in our society, the public recognises the names of perhaps a score or less, who are in constant danger, facing chilling threats when investigating and reporting on the worst examples of corruption or inefficiency. Many have been killed, or threatened so frighteningly that they have given up journalism or left the country for good. Considering these facts, the minimal action that we are entitled to expect in response to their courageous exposes is that the IGP, the Attorney General and the Bribery Commission would follow up vigorously on the information given in the media and take steps to carry out the necessary investigations and prosecute the wrongdoers. Instead, these authorities exhibit a lethargy that is not to be traced to our tropical heat but some other source, which we fear is inimical to the people’s welfare. If there are any shortcomings in our legislation that is tying down their hands, they have had years and years to press government to make the necessary amendments to the relevant laws. Taken together with the recent fiasco, where a police investigator is alleged to have been put under pressure by his superiors to drop the investigations into a Rs. 450 million fraud, the average citizen is left with little option but to conclude that there is blanket indifference at the highest levels of law-enforcement or, alternatively, an overpowering inclination to knavery. Thus, by inaction and/or deceit, the onus for fighting injustice and corruption has been foisted on the backs of a few fearless and conscientious citizens who cannot bear to remain indifferent and, therefore, decide to take it upon themselves to seek justice from the courts, at much personal cost and trouble. They put themselves in great jeopardy for the good of the Nation, for no private benefit, and with practically no personal security.
Sri Lanka is such a small country, with a highly inquisitive population, that it is virtually impossible to protect public interest petitioners or witnesses by giving them new identities within Sri Lanka, whatever new legislation is brought in for this purpose. On the other hand, this country can obviously not afford to give new identities and a safe life overseas to all those whistleblowers who might be willing to uncover major acts of corruption, collect the necessary documentary evidence, and give evidence in court. The simple fact is that the need for such protective measures would be greatly reduced if only there were truly autonomous independent commissions to see to it that clean elections are held, to ensure that the Public Service and Police act with minimum political bias, and human rights are safeguarded. This brings us back once again to the non-implementation of the 17th Amendment, which has been one of CIMOGG’s major concerns for the past three years and more.
When, in the year 2001, the 17th Amendment was passed, Parliament unanimously accepted the principle that elections, human rights, the Public Service, the Police, national finance and so on should be divorced, from political interference. The nauseating reality is that some of the same Parliamentarians who voted to make the Independent commissions truly independent now, want to bring these commissions back under political control! Do we really deserve these pathetic people’s representatives?
Our voters need to identify where their real interests lie and must, consequently, continue to press for the immediate implementation of the 17th Amendment, as it stands, warts and all. Subsequently, they must oppose all attempts to amend it in any way that would reintroduce political interference, which is the despicable lever that is employed to foster corruption in all its manifestations. The public should also agitate for the passing of an effective Right to Information Law, because most crimes by politicians and public servants would not take place at all if citizens were to have free access to documents which are now purposefully hidden with a view to facilitating crooked schemes to steal public property. National security and commercial confidentiality should not, as a general rule, be accepted as grounds for the blanket censorship of data that the public is entitled to have if it so wishes. Priority should be given to maintaining transparency in all public sector transactions. Hence, pressing for the immediate implementation of the 17th Amendment and agitating for the passing of the Right to Information Law are, perhaps, the two most worthwhile means by which we can help ourselves while showing real appreciation of the efforts of people like Medis and Senanayake, as well as those endangered media persons who work for little reward other than the satisfaction of fighting for the truth.
Website: www.cimogg-srilanka.org
www island.lk
Tuesday, October 21, 2008
SL: NON-MILITARY SOLUTION!
RESPONDING TO INDIAN CONCERNS................JEHAN PERERA
A political volcano seems set to erupt in the neigbouring Indian state of Tamil Nadu, just about when the Sri Lankan army is poised to complete the last few kilometers to the LTTE’s administrative centre of Kilinochchi. The political and emotional agitation in Tamil Nadu about the humanitarian crisis due to war in Sri Lanka may even threaten the stability of India’s central government. It is incumbent upon the Sri Lankan government to take Indian concerns into account or risk unpredictable consequences. The problem is that this would require the Rajapaksa government to rise above the narrow ethnic nationalism that currently drives it.
The tension in India is accompanied by another serious threat to Sri Lanka’s well being from beyond its shores. This is the difficult situation the government is placed in its bid to retain the GSP+ preferential treatment that Sri Lankan exports to the EU currently enjoy. The government has refused to permit the EU to investigate whether Sri Lanka has adhered to international human rights standards. The withdrawal of the GSP+ concession would result in a major blow to Sri Lanka’s already troubled economy. It would threaten an export market of over USD 2 billion and the employment of over one hundred thousand relatively well paid export sector workers.
At the root of both threats is the Sri Lankan government’s cavalier attitude to international human rights and humanitarian concerns. There appears to be a belief that government is possible by relying on the high degree of power conferred on those who govern by the Sri Lankan constitution, and by their popularity with the ethnic majority voters. But in the global village of modern times, it has not been possible for Sri Lanka to conduct its affairs as if it were an island all to itself.
Warning signs
The warning signs should have been clear several months when Sri Lanka was voted out of the Human Rights Committee of the United Nations, of which it had been one of the original members. Instead of correcting itself and putting an end to the spate of abductions, assassinations and disappearances and threats to media freedom in which government-allied forces were implicated, it denied them. The government took an offensive position on human rights, and claimed that international and Sri Lankan NGOs were orchestrating anti-government propaganda and were pro-LTTE. .
The manner in which the government directed all international humanitarian organizations, with the sole exception of the International Committee of the Red Cross, to leave the battlegrounds of the north is a concrete manifestation of this mistrust. When questioned about this action, the government claimed it was done to ensure the safety of international humanitarian workers. If so, this action revealed the lack of concern for the plight and safety of the civilian population who would now have to face the ravages of war without the protective presence of international humanitarian organizations.
The casual manner in which the government has treated the human rights and humanitarian concerns of the international community is now hurting the government very badly. It has permitted the politicians and pro-LTTE lobbies in Tamil Nadu to take the moral high ground. They have justified their call for Indian intervention in Sri Lankan affairs on the grounds of what they call the genocide of the Tamil people. This is an untenable accusation.
The government has been taking great pains to send in relief convoys into the affected areas with the support of UN agencies. The death toll amongst the civilians due to firing and bombardment has been very low compared to that of LTTE cadre and Sri Lankan soldiers. On the other hand, the plight of the displaced civilian population, some of them seriously sick, some of them infants, some of them very elderly, living under trees in torrential rains without adequate food, shelter and medical attention can be imagined.
Three things
There are three things that can be done that could assuage Indian and international concerns about the humanitarian situation in the north. The first would be to accept international assistance to move out the trapped civilians of the Vanni to places of safety. It is said that many civilians do not wish to leave because they fear being victimized by the Sri Lankan military. Therefore, international humanitarian organizations could be vested with the authority to set up safety zones, under their supervision, in which civilians can stay until it is safe for them to once again return to their original homes. The Madhu Church area could be one such safety zone.
The second thing that could be done is for the government to come out with its political solution to the ethnic conflict without further delay. President Rajapaksa has recently stated that the political solution could go beyond the devolution of power envisaged in the 13th Amendment if a 2/3 majority in Parliament can be obtained. The government should invite parties that are currently not participating in the All Party process aimed at developing a political solution, particularly the UNP and JVP, but also the TNA which it has so far not invited on the grounds that this party is an LTTE proxy. The participation of the UNP in particular could ensure the degree of bipartisanship that could yield a 2/3 majority to change the constitution.
The LTTE too needs to see the reading on the wall. The Indian government has publicly justified its military support to Sri Lanka as being to protect the unity and sovereignty of Sri Lanka. The focus of the mainstream Tamil Nadu political parties has been the humanitarian plight and political rights of the Tamils of Sri Lanka rather than the survival of the LTTE. The LTTE needs to take the suffering of the Tamil people into account. They should permit those who are trapped in the Vanni the option to leave to places of safety that are supervised by the international community. The LTTE should also be open to a non-military solution. They should encourage the TNA to join the All Party Conference, if the Sri Lankan government has the political wisdom and moral balance to invite them to join that political process.
courtesy:dailymirror.lk
A political volcano seems set to erupt in the neigbouring Indian state of Tamil Nadu, just about when the Sri Lankan army is poised to complete the last few kilometers to the LTTE’s administrative centre of Kilinochchi. The political and emotional agitation in Tamil Nadu about the humanitarian crisis due to war in Sri Lanka may even threaten the stability of India’s central government. It is incumbent upon the Sri Lankan government to take Indian concerns into account or risk unpredictable consequences. The problem is that this would require the Rajapaksa government to rise above the narrow ethnic nationalism that currently drives it.
The tension in India is accompanied by another serious threat to Sri Lanka’s well being from beyond its shores. This is the difficult situation the government is placed in its bid to retain the GSP+ preferential treatment that Sri Lankan exports to the EU currently enjoy. The government has refused to permit the EU to investigate whether Sri Lanka has adhered to international human rights standards. The withdrawal of the GSP+ concession would result in a major blow to Sri Lanka’s already troubled economy. It would threaten an export market of over USD 2 billion and the employment of over one hundred thousand relatively well paid export sector workers.
At the root of both threats is the Sri Lankan government’s cavalier attitude to international human rights and humanitarian concerns. There appears to be a belief that government is possible by relying on the high degree of power conferred on those who govern by the Sri Lankan constitution, and by their popularity with the ethnic majority voters. But in the global village of modern times, it has not been possible for Sri Lanka to conduct its affairs as if it were an island all to itself.
Warning signs
The warning signs should have been clear several months when Sri Lanka was voted out of the Human Rights Committee of the United Nations, of which it had been one of the original members. Instead of correcting itself and putting an end to the spate of abductions, assassinations and disappearances and threats to media freedom in which government-allied forces were implicated, it denied them. The government took an offensive position on human rights, and claimed that international and Sri Lankan NGOs were orchestrating anti-government propaganda and were pro-LTTE. .
The manner in which the government directed all international humanitarian organizations, with the sole exception of the International Committee of the Red Cross, to leave the battlegrounds of the north is a concrete manifestation of this mistrust. When questioned about this action, the government claimed it was done to ensure the safety of international humanitarian workers. If so, this action revealed the lack of concern for the plight and safety of the civilian population who would now have to face the ravages of war without the protective presence of international humanitarian organizations.
The casual manner in which the government has treated the human rights and humanitarian concerns of the international community is now hurting the government very badly. It has permitted the politicians and pro-LTTE lobbies in Tamil Nadu to take the moral high ground. They have justified their call for Indian intervention in Sri Lankan affairs on the grounds of what they call the genocide of the Tamil people. This is an untenable accusation.
The government has been taking great pains to send in relief convoys into the affected areas with the support of UN agencies. The death toll amongst the civilians due to firing and bombardment has been very low compared to that of LTTE cadre and Sri Lankan soldiers. On the other hand, the plight of the displaced civilian population, some of them seriously sick, some of them infants, some of them very elderly, living under trees in torrential rains without adequate food, shelter and medical attention can be imagined.
Three things
There are three things that can be done that could assuage Indian and international concerns about the humanitarian situation in the north. The first would be to accept international assistance to move out the trapped civilians of the Vanni to places of safety. It is said that many civilians do not wish to leave because they fear being victimized by the Sri Lankan military. Therefore, international humanitarian organizations could be vested with the authority to set up safety zones, under their supervision, in which civilians can stay until it is safe for them to once again return to their original homes. The Madhu Church area could be one such safety zone.
The second thing that could be done is for the government to come out with its political solution to the ethnic conflict without further delay. President Rajapaksa has recently stated that the political solution could go beyond the devolution of power envisaged in the 13th Amendment if a 2/3 majority in Parliament can be obtained. The government should invite parties that are currently not participating in the All Party process aimed at developing a political solution, particularly the UNP and JVP, but also the TNA which it has so far not invited on the grounds that this party is an LTTE proxy. The participation of the UNP in particular could ensure the degree of bipartisanship that could yield a 2/3 majority to change the constitution.
The LTTE too needs to see the reading on the wall. The Indian government has publicly justified its military support to Sri Lanka as being to protect the unity and sovereignty of Sri Lanka. The focus of the mainstream Tamil Nadu political parties has been the humanitarian plight and political rights of the Tamils of Sri Lanka rather than the survival of the LTTE. The LTTE needs to take the suffering of the Tamil people into account. They should permit those who are trapped in the Vanni the option to leave to places of safety that are supervised by the international community. The LTTE should also be open to a non-military solution. They should encourage the TNA to join the All Party Conference, if the Sri Lankan government has the political wisdom and moral balance to invite them to join that political process.
courtesy:dailymirror.lk
Monday, October 20, 2008
SL: SERIOUS CONCERN ABOUT TEACHERS' STANDARD....!!!
Aspiring maths instructors score as low as five marks
By Lalith Chaminda and S. K. Kaluaarachchi ,Galle correspondents/Island.lk
Chief Minister of the Southern Province Shan Wijelal Silva said that some teachers who had sat for a recent examination for teacher instructors had scored as low as five marks for mathematics.
Addressing a recent meeting in Galle to hand over letters of appointment to teacher instructors, he said that those who had obtained low marks wanted to be appointed as mathematics instructors. Nothing could be more ridiculous than this, he said. Expressing serious concern over the deteriorating standards, the Chief Minister said he was in a dilemma.
Eighty nine persons received letters of appointment from the Southern PC.
www island.lk
By Lalith Chaminda and S. K. Kaluaarachchi ,Galle correspondents/Island.lk
Chief Minister of the Southern Province Shan Wijelal Silva said that some teachers who had sat for a recent examination for teacher instructors had scored as low as five marks for mathematics.
Addressing a recent meeting in Galle to hand over letters of appointment to teacher instructors, he said that those who had obtained low marks wanted to be appointed as mathematics instructors. Nothing could be more ridiculous than this, he said. Expressing serious concern over the deteriorating standards, the Chief Minister said he was in a dilemma.
Eighty nine persons received letters of appointment from the Southern PC.
www island.lk
Sunday, October 19, 2008
That Famliar Impasse....!
That Familiar Impasse.....by Tisaranee Gunasekara
The news from Tamilnadu invokes worrying memories of avoidable mistakes, fatal turning points and burnt bridges. In a move hailed by Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi as ‘an impetus for India to act’ and ‘a warning to Colombo’ the DMK led All Parties Conference gave Delhi a two week ultimatum: halt military assistance to Colombo, stop the war and help the displaced Tamils or 39 parliamentarians from the eight signatory parties will resign, en masse.
Manmohan Singh’s reluctance to get involved in another Lankan adventure is understandable and indeed wise. This, after all, is the same LTTE which broke a solemn undertaking to India, waged war on her and assassinated Rajiv Gandhi. Unfortunately a ‘hands off’ policy, however sensible, may not be viable much longer, given the developments in Tamilnadu. According to a survey done by the reputed ‘Indian Express’, there is widespread support for both Lankan Tamils and the LTTE in Tamilnadu. The DMK had to take a stand on Sri Lanka because it did not want AIADMK to benefit from this public mood; similarly the Congress Party may be compelled to harden its own stance, in order survive in power and to win the next election.
How will Delhi react to the ultimatum from Tamilnadu? Will it try to buy time by sending a high-powered delegation to deliver a message urging restraint? Or will it opt for a more forceful response such as another ‘aid offensive’ to deliver humanitarian assistance to the displaced Tamils? Will the Indian navy be deployed to ‘protect’ Tamilnadu fishermen from attacks or even to ‘temporarily’ occupy Katchativu? Though the Congress administration may not want to get too embroiled Lankan affairs again, ultimately the nature of Indian response would be shaped by the mood in Tamilnadu which in turn will be influenced by events in Sri Lanka. If there is an increase in civilian casualties or more attacks on Indian fishermen, the mood in Tamilnadu will go from very bad to infinitely worse and Delhi will have no choice but to respond with less equivocation and more force.
Tamilnadu and Delhi
It is necessary to understand that a serious problem exists, which cannot be shouted down or wished away. It will not be possible to pacify Delhi with some empty promise as the Rajapakse administration is wont to do. Yelling anti-Indian slogans from rooftops or burning effigies of Messers Karunanidhi and Manmohan Singh outside the Indian High Commission will not work either. Sri Lanka cannot resist India without internal unity. As President Premadasa understood, the only we way can realistically face up to India is if we have the Tamils on our side. Currently the antithetical situation obtains. By failing to draw a clear line of demarcation between Tamils and Tigers and by allowing the necessary war against the LTTE to degenerate into a war to re-impose Sinhala dominance over Tamils via a Pax Sinhala, the Rajapakse administration has enabled Tamilnadu and India to pose as champions of Lankan Tamils. India may wish to impose her dominance on Sri Lanka; but even an exercise in regional hegemonism can be made to seem kosher internationally, if depicted as a protective measure on behalf of Lankan Tamils. Such a situation can be prevented only if we reach out to the Tamils, via greater concern for their wellbeing and a political solution to the ethnic problem.
The unfortunate truth is that in the eyes of most of the world Sri Lanka will not figure either as a Cuba or even a Venezuela. Deservedly or undeservedly we will not be seen as a brave little country facing the might of a giant neighbour, but a state that is trying use a war against terrorism to subdue its minorities and make them accept majoritarian rule. If there is any David in this tale, it will be those civilian Tamils, caught between a barbaric LTTE and a ruthless Rajapakse administration, their plight symbolised by a stark black and white picture of a malnourished child refugee holding a baby in an even worse condition, both of them weeping in terror (published by the BBC on Sep 23rd). Thus, internationally, parallels will be drawn not between Sri Lanka and Cuba or Venezuela but between Sri Lanka and Serbia or Georgia. Given this context we will not be seen as occupying the moral or political high-ground and therefore our chances of finding international support beyond Pakistan and China would be miniscule.
The Stakes
At this juncture it is important to remember that there was no stir in Tamilnadu during either the Second or the Third Eelam Wars, not even when Jaffna fell. In fact until the Sinhala supremacist tendencies of the Rajapakse administration became obvious, both Delhi and Tamilnadu were anti-LTTE and the Congress government was willing to openly aid Sri Lanka against the Tigers. Unfortunately the President committed himself to a unitary state, rejected the homeland principle, permitted the judicial de-merger of the North-East, denied the very existence of an ethnic problem (thereby obviating the need for devolution) and made a mockery of the APC. The obnoxiously Sinhala supremacist deeds and words of the Defence Secretary and the Army Commander, the supposed attacks on Tamilnadu fishermen by the Lankan Navy, the disturbing lack of sympathy towards the plight of civilian Tamils, the gross mishandling of incidents such as the Vallipunam air raid – these were important landmarks in our road back to 1987.
Economically too we are rapidly entering a breaking point. Sri Lanka has been identified by the World Bank as one of 28 ‘fiscally vulnerable’ countries with little or no debt headroom. If we continue to borrow from private foreign currency markets a debt trap may be unavoidable. Unfortunately the Rajapakses, happily immersed in their favourite delusions, are in no mood to heed warning cries or to take remedial measures. This is obvious from the Presidential directive not to permit the EU investigate Sri Lanka’s compliance with three international conventions (on Human and Political Rights, against Torture and on Child Rights) as a precondition for the extension of the GSP+ facility. Instead he had directed the government to find alternate markets in Latin America and the Middle East – another utterly unrealistic goal, particularly at a time of global recession. Despite the military successes, the Rajapakse way has led the country to a precipice, politically and economically, the same precipice we reached during the second term of President Jayewardene.
The time has come to get our priorities right. We need to prevent the division of Sri Lanka but we must understand that devolution (including full federalism) does not amount to division. We need to defeat the LTTE (as long as Vellupillai Pirapaharan is alive the Tigers will not give up Eelam) but we should not pick fights with non-Tiger actors and entities simply because they back devolution or champion human rights. We must defend our sovereignty but it can be done while adhering to internationally accepted norms on minority and child rights. The war can coexist with a political solution to the ethnic problem, with greater concern for human rights and with increased cooperation with India, the West, the UN and reputed INGOs. In fact the war will be sustainable only if it is waged within those parameters.
The government needs to make a course correction but can it do so, given the symbiotic connection between President Rajapakse and the Sinhala supremacists? Can the President, without endangering his very survival, muzzle the Army Commander, restrain the Defence Secretary, neutralise the JHU, and other assorted Sinhala hardliners, allow adequate humanitarian assistance to get through to the war displaced, soften the stance on human rights and come up with a political solution ideally based on the Indian model?
The latest historically inaccurate and racially bigoted outpourings of Minister Champika Ranawaka indicate the impossibility of the task: "The Sinhalese are the only organic race of Sri Lanka. Other communities are all visitors to the country, whose arrival was never challenged out of the compassion of Buddhists. But they must not take this compassion for granted. The Muslims are here because our kings let them trade here and the Tamils because they were allowed to take refuge when the Moguls were invading them in India. What is happening today is pure ingratitude on the part of these visitors" (Daily Mirror – 16.10.2008).
Mahinda Rajapakse is facing the same conundrum his politico-spiritual ancestor SWRD Bandaranaike encountered half a century ago. Mr. Bandaranaike used the forces of Sinhala extremism in order to come to power and stay in power and ended up by being consumed by them. The same fate may befall President Rajapakse if he tries to restrain the lunatic fringe which occupies such a central position in his administration and within his own inner circle.
The Killing of Janaka Perera
Maj. Gen. Janaka Perera was killed by the LTTE. The Tiger’s work was made easier by the regime’s persistent refusal to provide some security to the retired General turned politician. The killing of Janaka Perera by the LTTE proves that the defence establishment acted either with criminal inanity or with shocking malice when it turned down his repeated requests for protection. Since the defence establishment claimed that according to ‘intelligence reports’ there was no risk to Gen. Perera’s life, his murder compels one of two conclusions: either the intelligence officials who compiled the aforementioned ‘reports’ were criminally unintelligent; or the defence authorities lied about the very existence of such reports.
In the interests of national security there should be a parliamentary inquiry as to which is the correct conclusion. If there were intelligence reports stating that Janaka Perera was not under any Tiger threat, it is imperative to find out who prepared them; the authors of any such dangerously stupid report must be removed from the vital task of intelligence gathering and analysis immediately, in public interest. On the other hand if no such reports existed and the defence authorities denied security to Gen. Perera on a whim or as an act of vengeance, that too should be revealed to the country and the culprits punished.
Some may argue that Gen. Perera forfeited the right to security when he entered the political field. But the same cannot be said of Gen. Parakrama Pannipitiya, a serving officer who was forced to seek legal redress when his security was withdrawn arbitrarily (reportedly because he fell foul of the Army Commander). So the criterion in providing state protection is not whether one is pro or anti-LTTE but whether one is pro or anti-government. If one is with the government, one is a patriot by definition.
Two key participants in the Wickremesinghe appeasement process, GL Peiris and Milinda Moragoda, became patriots by the simple expedient of changing sides and backing the Rajapakses. A retired general and a serving general did not qualify as patriots as they were not in the good books of the powers that be. What the regime is demanding, in the name of patriotism, is unquestioning obedience and unconditional support. This is neither possible nor desirable in a modern democracy, especially when a regime is remarkably short-sighted and prone to self-made disasters. The Rajapakse administration has brought the country to an avoidable impasse through its inability to comprehend that wars are not decided on battlefields alone and in this globalised world there are no economic or political islands; giving it a blank cheque can only worsen Sri Lanka’s woes.
www island.lk
The news from Tamilnadu invokes worrying memories of avoidable mistakes, fatal turning points and burnt bridges. In a move hailed by Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi as ‘an impetus for India to act’ and ‘a warning to Colombo’ the DMK led All Parties Conference gave Delhi a two week ultimatum: halt military assistance to Colombo, stop the war and help the displaced Tamils or 39 parliamentarians from the eight signatory parties will resign, en masse.
Manmohan Singh’s reluctance to get involved in another Lankan adventure is understandable and indeed wise. This, after all, is the same LTTE which broke a solemn undertaking to India, waged war on her and assassinated Rajiv Gandhi. Unfortunately a ‘hands off’ policy, however sensible, may not be viable much longer, given the developments in Tamilnadu. According to a survey done by the reputed ‘Indian Express’, there is widespread support for both Lankan Tamils and the LTTE in Tamilnadu. The DMK had to take a stand on Sri Lanka because it did not want AIADMK to benefit from this public mood; similarly the Congress Party may be compelled to harden its own stance, in order survive in power and to win the next election.
How will Delhi react to the ultimatum from Tamilnadu? Will it try to buy time by sending a high-powered delegation to deliver a message urging restraint? Or will it opt for a more forceful response such as another ‘aid offensive’ to deliver humanitarian assistance to the displaced Tamils? Will the Indian navy be deployed to ‘protect’ Tamilnadu fishermen from attacks or even to ‘temporarily’ occupy Katchativu? Though the Congress administration may not want to get too embroiled Lankan affairs again, ultimately the nature of Indian response would be shaped by the mood in Tamilnadu which in turn will be influenced by events in Sri Lanka. If there is an increase in civilian casualties or more attacks on Indian fishermen, the mood in Tamilnadu will go from very bad to infinitely worse and Delhi will have no choice but to respond with less equivocation and more force.
Tamilnadu and Delhi
It is necessary to understand that a serious problem exists, which cannot be shouted down or wished away. It will not be possible to pacify Delhi with some empty promise as the Rajapakse administration is wont to do. Yelling anti-Indian slogans from rooftops or burning effigies of Messers Karunanidhi and Manmohan Singh outside the Indian High Commission will not work either. Sri Lanka cannot resist India without internal unity. As President Premadasa understood, the only we way can realistically face up to India is if we have the Tamils on our side. Currently the antithetical situation obtains. By failing to draw a clear line of demarcation between Tamils and Tigers and by allowing the necessary war against the LTTE to degenerate into a war to re-impose Sinhala dominance over Tamils via a Pax Sinhala, the Rajapakse administration has enabled Tamilnadu and India to pose as champions of Lankan Tamils. India may wish to impose her dominance on Sri Lanka; but even an exercise in regional hegemonism can be made to seem kosher internationally, if depicted as a protective measure on behalf of Lankan Tamils. Such a situation can be prevented only if we reach out to the Tamils, via greater concern for their wellbeing and a political solution to the ethnic problem.
The unfortunate truth is that in the eyes of most of the world Sri Lanka will not figure either as a Cuba or even a Venezuela. Deservedly or undeservedly we will not be seen as a brave little country facing the might of a giant neighbour, but a state that is trying use a war against terrorism to subdue its minorities and make them accept majoritarian rule. If there is any David in this tale, it will be those civilian Tamils, caught between a barbaric LTTE and a ruthless Rajapakse administration, their plight symbolised by a stark black and white picture of a malnourished child refugee holding a baby in an even worse condition, both of them weeping in terror (published by the BBC on Sep 23rd). Thus, internationally, parallels will be drawn not between Sri Lanka and Cuba or Venezuela but between Sri Lanka and Serbia or Georgia. Given this context we will not be seen as occupying the moral or political high-ground and therefore our chances of finding international support beyond Pakistan and China would be miniscule.
The Stakes
At this juncture it is important to remember that there was no stir in Tamilnadu during either the Second or the Third Eelam Wars, not even when Jaffna fell. In fact until the Sinhala supremacist tendencies of the Rajapakse administration became obvious, both Delhi and Tamilnadu were anti-LTTE and the Congress government was willing to openly aid Sri Lanka against the Tigers. Unfortunately the President committed himself to a unitary state, rejected the homeland principle, permitted the judicial de-merger of the North-East, denied the very existence of an ethnic problem (thereby obviating the need for devolution) and made a mockery of the APC. The obnoxiously Sinhala supremacist deeds and words of the Defence Secretary and the Army Commander, the supposed attacks on Tamilnadu fishermen by the Lankan Navy, the disturbing lack of sympathy towards the plight of civilian Tamils, the gross mishandling of incidents such as the Vallipunam air raid – these were important landmarks in our road back to 1987.
Economically too we are rapidly entering a breaking point. Sri Lanka has been identified by the World Bank as one of 28 ‘fiscally vulnerable’ countries with little or no debt headroom. If we continue to borrow from private foreign currency markets a debt trap may be unavoidable. Unfortunately the Rajapakses, happily immersed in their favourite delusions, are in no mood to heed warning cries or to take remedial measures. This is obvious from the Presidential directive not to permit the EU investigate Sri Lanka’s compliance with three international conventions (on Human and Political Rights, against Torture and on Child Rights) as a precondition for the extension of the GSP+ facility. Instead he had directed the government to find alternate markets in Latin America and the Middle East – another utterly unrealistic goal, particularly at a time of global recession. Despite the military successes, the Rajapakse way has led the country to a precipice, politically and economically, the same precipice we reached during the second term of President Jayewardene.
The time has come to get our priorities right. We need to prevent the division of Sri Lanka but we must understand that devolution (including full federalism) does not amount to division. We need to defeat the LTTE (as long as Vellupillai Pirapaharan is alive the Tigers will not give up Eelam) but we should not pick fights with non-Tiger actors and entities simply because they back devolution or champion human rights. We must defend our sovereignty but it can be done while adhering to internationally accepted norms on minority and child rights. The war can coexist with a political solution to the ethnic problem, with greater concern for human rights and with increased cooperation with India, the West, the UN and reputed INGOs. In fact the war will be sustainable only if it is waged within those parameters.
The government needs to make a course correction but can it do so, given the symbiotic connection between President Rajapakse and the Sinhala supremacists? Can the President, without endangering his very survival, muzzle the Army Commander, restrain the Defence Secretary, neutralise the JHU, and other assorted Sinhala hardliners, allow adequate humanitarian assistance to get through to the war displaced, soften the stance on human rights and come up with a political solution ideally based on the Indian model?
The latest historically inaccurate and racially bigoted outpourings of Minister Champika Ranawaka indicate the impossibility of the task: "The Sinhalese are the only organic race of Sri Lanka. Other communities are all visitors to the country, whose arrival was never challenged out of the compassion of Buddhists. But they must not take this compassion for granted. The Muslims are here because our kings let them trade here and the Tamils because they were allowed to take refuge when the Moguls were invading them in India. What is happening today is pure ingratitude on the part of these visitors" (Daily Mirror – 16.10.2008).
Mahinda Rajapakse is facing the same conundrum his politico-spiritual ancestor SWRD Bandaranaike encountered half a century ago. Mr. Bandaranaike used the forces of Sinhala extremism in order to come to power and stay in power and ended up by being consumed by them. The same fate may befall President Rajapakse if he tries to restrain the lunatic fringe which occupies such a central position in his administration and within his own inner circle.
The Killing of Janaka Perera
Maj. Gen. Janaka Perera was killed by the LTTE. The Tiger’s work was made easier by the regime’s persistent refusal to provide some security to the retired General turned politician. The killing of Janaka Perera by the LTTE proves that the defence establishment acted either with criminal inanity or with shocking malice when it turned down his repeated requests for protection. Since the defence establishment claimed that according to ‘intelligence reports’ there was no risk to Gen. Perera’s life, his murder compels one of two conclusions: either the intelligence officials who compiled the aforementioned ‘reports’ were criminally unintelligent; or the defence authorities lied about the very existence of such reports.
In the interests of national security there should be a parliamentary inquiry as to which is the correct conclusion. If there were intelligence reports stating that Janaka Perera was not under any Tiger threat, it is imperative to find out who prepared them; the authors of any such dangerously stupid report must be removed from the vital task of intelligence gathering and analysis immediately, in public interest. On the other hand if no such reports existed and the defence authorities denied security to Gen. Perera on a whim or as an act of vengeance, that too should be revealed to the country and the culprits punished.
Some may argue that Gen. Perera forfeited the right to security when he entered the political field. But the same cannot be said of Gen. Parakrama Pannipitiya, a serving officer who was forced to seek legal redress when his security was withdrawn arbitrarily (reportedly because he fell foul of the Army Commander). So the criterion in providing state protection is not whether one is pro or anti-LTTE but whether one is pro or anti-government. If one is with the government, one is a patriot by definition.
Two key participants in the Wickremesinghe appeasement process, GL Peiris and Milinda Moragoda, became patriots by the simple expedient of changing sides and backing the Rajapakses. A retired general and a serving general did not qualify as patriots as they were not in the good books of the powers that be. What the regime is demanding, in the name of patriotism, is unquestioning obedience and unconditional support. This is neither possible nor desirable in a modern democracy, especially when a regime is remarkably short-sighted and prone to self-made disasters. The Rajapakse administration has brought the country to an avoidable impasse through its inability to comprehend that wars are not decided on battlefields alone and in this globalised world there are no economic or political islands; giving it a blank cheque can only worsen Sri Lanka’s woes.
www island.lk
SL: RELATIONS WITH SOUTH INDIA!!!
Our relations with South India............ By K. Godage
Before the British took over of this country we had excellent relations with the rulers of South Indian states; in fact our last King was a Nayakkar from South India whose Queen was also from there. Three of the Kandyan Chiefs who signed the Treaty with the British are said to have signed in Tamil. Professor Sudarshan Seneviratne, head of the Department of Archaeology and who holds the only chair in Archeology within the University system in this country, stated at a seminar held in Chennai last year that South India and Sri Lanka constituted a common geographical and agro-climatic zone. I shall quote him extensively for what he has stated is indeed very valuable.
He bemoaned the lack of understanding of this subject amongst our people saying, "for too long have we looked at each other’s region as the other region and have parochial images about the other region". He also stated that "due to ethnic and historical reasons and the attempt to see each other in different cultural categories, we have not tried to reach out or relate to each other". He further stated "We have to look at the best of human aspirations and intellectual and cultural elements and see how we can draw upon those human achievements celebrating both diversity and humanity.’’
``The area south of the Deccan Plateau is so much a part of Sri Lankan history as is the north of the Vindhya region. Buddhism came to Sri Lanka from the north of the Vindhya region. Various cultural elements from the Gangetic plains came to Sri Lanka. An entire spectrum of technological, spiritual and linguistics came from South India including from the states of Orissa, Andhra Pradesh, Kerala and Tamil Nadu." He emphasized the need for closer relations between the states of south India as in ancient times and also stated "we are only 22 miles apart but how much of each other do we know?" Yes, today we have only hostility instead of friendship and that has had a most adverse impact on our country. It is indeed in our interest to get to know South India better.
Party 1989 1991 1996 2001 2006
AIDMK 02 164 —- 196 61
DMK 151 02 173 037 96
Congress -34
PMK 18
Others 25
It is certainly in our interest to understand South India and the politics particularly of Tamil Nadu. The only Sri Lankan leader with a sense of history who sought to reach out to South India was Ranil Wickremesinghe who even sought to have a land bridge built to link this country with Southern India. He also cultivated the leaders of South Indian states forging personal friendships with them. In this context it is of particular importance for us to know the recent political history of Tamil Nadu and the origin of the Dravidian movement.
The first political party in present Tamil Nadu was the Justice Party which won the state Assembly elections in 1921. As its name implies, it stood for social justice. This party ‘governed’ for 15 years and then split up. The history of the Dravidian movement is replete with splits.
In 1944, the social reformer EV Ramasami, EVR or ‘Periyar’ as he was popularly known, left the Justice Party and founded the Dravida Kazhagam. Annadurai, a strong Tamil nationalist became its General Secretary and it was he who started the Dravida Nadu or ‘homeland for the Dravidian people’ cry and sought separation from India. This was abandoned after the Indo-China war. The Dravida Kazhagam was a movement directed against the Brahmins by non Brahmins who resented their control of the State administration. The DK fought for social justice. They particularly opposed the imposition of Hindi on the non-Hindi speaking south.
In September of 1949 Annadurai split with EVR, left the DK and founded the DMK. Their main plank was the neglect of the south consequent to the north-south divide and the control of the south by the north. It is important to remember that a fundamental tenet of the DMK is rationalism. The imposition of Hindi, the language of the North on the south, became a major issue. The language issue became a strident campaign slogan for the Party. It vowed to restore Tamil to its ancient glory and appealed to the sentiments of the Tamil people. It was this imposition of Hindi that that changed the politics of Tamil Nadu forever and resulted in the Congress which was a national party, whose leadership in the state consisted almost entirely of Brahmins, being replaced by a regional party, the DMK, which swept to power in the state in 1965.
The next split came in 1972 when MG Ramachandran was expelled from the DMK following differences between him and Karunanidhi. MGR raised issues of corruption against Karunanidhi and formed the Anna (named after Annadurai) DMK which later changed its name to All India DMK or the AIDMK under the leadership of Jayalalitha..
Yet another off-shoot of the DMK is the Marumalarachi DMK or the MDMK, which was formed in 1994 by V Gopalasamy who was expelled from the DMK. He has been succeeded by the notorious Vaiko, who is today the principal champion of the LTTE.
Yet another player on the scene is the Pattali Makkal Katchi or the PMK headed be yet another supporter of the LTTE, Dr. S Ramdoss who represents the strong Vanniyar community. He campaigns for reservations and social justice for the most backward classes. On all other issues the party’s objectives are identical to those of the other three parties.
Other than for Ranil Wickremasinghe who met and got to know Jayalalitha Jeyeram, none of our political leaders know the leaders of the Tamil people of Tamil Nadu; neither have they visited us nor have we visited them. As Prof. Seneviratne states, we need to think beyond our political borders. Our political leaders do not understand the political equation in India. The Congress government is wholly dependent on the DMK and Vaiko’s MDMK and if they pull out the government would crash. That is how weak the Congress government is. Therefore under no circumstances would the government in Delhi displease the Tamil parties who have most importantly a say in decision making at the center.
Tamil Nadu politics has a tendency to rotate power. I give below how the two principal parties fared in recent years at State elections:-
(Total number of seats in the Assembly is 234 for a population of over 50 million)
Considering the fact that at each election the ruling party has been defeated it seems most likely that the AIDMK will win the next election on form. This perhaps accounts for Karunanidhi’s actions motivated by panic.
Today the DMK has only two cabinet ministers: T.R Balu, Shipping, Road Transport and Highways and Raja, Minister of Communications and Information Technology. DMK also has two Ministers of State – PMK has one in Cabinet, i.e. Dr. Anbumani Ramdoss, son of Dr. Ramdoss, leader of PMK. (a vociferously pro-LTTE party). Congress has two Cabinet Ministers from Tamil Nadu i.e. P. Chidambaram, Finance and Mani Shankar Aiyar, they would not of course resign.
There are 39 members of Parliament from Tamil Nadu of which Congress has 22, DMK 16, PMK 6, MDMK 4 and CPI 1. At the 2004 election all these parties were in alliance and they won all the seats. However MDMK later on joined Jayalalitha’s alliance for the State election.
The two main parties in Tamil Nadu together command approximately 80% of the vote in the state; Nedumaran is politically insignificant. The smaller pro-LTTE parties that matter are: PMK (Around 6%), MDMK (around 3-4 %), the most important in the new equation is a new political party, DMDK (Desiya Murpokku Dravida Kazhakam) formed only in 2006 at the time of State assembly election by a film star called Vijaya Kanth. He enjoys about 10% voter support.
Karunanidhi is seeking a pound of flesh from our country in return for supporting the Congress to remain in power in Delhi. It is entirely their problem, but the machination of Tamil Nadu politicians does have an impact on our country.
Karunanidhi’s daughter, Kanni Mozhi, who has submitted a post dated letter of resignation is a Rajya Sabha member who was elected only some months back. She is rumored to be intimately friendly with a Christian Priest from Jaffna who is an LTTE sympathizer.
Parippu drop
We cannot of course be heading towards another parippu drop. India lost 1,272 men with over a thousand more were injured. Our ethnic issue is, as former Foreign Minister Jaswant Singh once stated, "a domestic matter for them to sort out". We must not become a pawn in a Tamil Nadu political game. There would surely be a huge uproar in this country if India intervenes again to bail out the killers of Rajiv Gandhi merely to remain in office or power.
The two main political parties are dependent on the smaller parties to form a government. These small parties are absolute supporters of the LTTE. The DMK (Karunanidhi) is supporting the Congress government, which is today in a precarious position due to the Communists having pulled out of the coalition and the Samajawadi Party ‘playing games’. The Congress government is dependent on the DMK to remain in power. The BJP has tied up with Jayalalitha’s AIDMK and her party too is wooing the small parties, which, as stated earlier, support the LTTE. But she has stated publicly that she does not endorse Karunanidhi’s demand which she describes as a political gimmick.
The LTTE’s political wing, the TNA, is also working overtime in Tamil Nadu traitorously exaggerating the conditions of the IDPs and rousing support to stop the offensive at the instance of the LTTE which knows it is facing a precarious situation; the Indian government is therefore placed in a difficult situation Why should they save the murderers of Rajiv Gandhi? Should not members of the TNA playing these games be charged for sedition?
Our relations
Indian friends tell me that we have created a credibility gap by promising their PM that we would come up with a political package to address the grievances of the Tamil people shortly after the government came to office and then seeking to cheat them by appointing the APRC which has according to them transparently dragged on the process unnecessarily till a military ‘victory’ was achieved. They claim that this act of the government has become so clear they find it difficult to accept its word any more.
I am also informed that after the government gave its assurance, the National Security Advisor Narayanan was sent by PM Manmohan Singh to assure Karunanidhi that Tamil grievance would soon be addressed and that they have now lost face and feel let down. I am also informed that an assurance had been given that fishermen from Tamil Nadu would not be fired upon but that we have reneged on this assurance also and that a number of MLA from the fishing villages on the west coast of Tamil Nadu are facing huge problems as a consequence.
To my mind it appears that the only way to head off the problem is to do what the President has always intended to do - reach out to the minorities with credible constitutional proposals immediately (this would pull the rug from under the feet of the LTTE) and at the same time to get our act together on the human rights front.
One final word; let us not put all our eggs in one basket let us also reach out and cut deals with other powerful countries to ensure our security. Let us also not forget one important fact: that if at all the political parties in Tamil Nadu, including the anti-LTTE AIDMK are agreed on any one thing, it is that the Tamils of Lanka must be able to live as equal citizens in dignity, in security and be able to decide on their own destiny in keeping with the principle of ‘subsidiarity’ within a united sovereign Sri Lanka. The ball, according to them, is in our court to come up with an offer which would be endorsed by them and which the LTTE would not be able to refuse.
The government should be able to formulate such an offer with the assistance of Indian constitutional experts in line with the Oslo formula. But the offer should be conditional upon the LTTE renouncing its goal of Eelam, renouncing violence as a means to achieve its political objective, agreeing to a phased demilitarization in keeping with their own security and accepting the principles set out in the Tokyo Declaration.
(The writer is a retired ambassador who served a term as Sri Lanka’s Deputy High Commissioner in New Delhi)
godagek@yahoo.com
www island.lk
Before the British took over of this country we had excellent relations with the rulers of South Indian states; in fact our last King was a Nayakkar from South India whose Queen was also from there. Three of the Kandyan Chiefs who signed the Treaty with the British are said to have signed in Tamil. Professor Sudarshan Seneviratne, head of the Department of Archaeology and who holds the only chair in Archeology within the University system in this country, stated at a seminar held in Chennai last year that South India and Sri Lanka constituted a common geographical and agro-climatic zone. I shall quote him extensively for what he has stated is indeed very valuable.
He bemoaned the lack of understanding of this subject amongst our people saying, "for too long have we looked at each other’s region as the other region and have parochial images about the other region". He also stated that "due to ethnic and historical reasons and the attempt to see each other in different cultural categories, we have not tried to reach out or relate to each other". He further stated "We have to look at the best of human aspirations and intellectual and cultural elements and see how we can draw upon those human achievements celebrating both diversity and humanity.’’
``The area south of the Deccan Plateau is so much a part of Sri Lankan history as is the north of the Vindhya region. Buddhism came to Sri Lanka from the north of the Vindhya region. Various cultural elements from the Gangetic plains came to Sri Lanka. An entire spectrum of technological, spiritual and linguistics came from South India including from the states of Orissa, Andhra Pradesh, Kerala and Tamil Nadu." He emphasized the need for closer relations between the states of south India as in ancient times and also stated "we are only 22 miles apart but how much of each other do we know?" Yes, today we have only hostility instead of friendship and that has had a most adverse impact on our country. It is indeed in our interest to get to know South India better.
Party 1989 1991 1996 2001 2006
AIDMK 02 164 —- 196 61
DMK 151 02 173 037 96
Congress -34
PMK 18
Others 25
It is certainly in our interest to understand South India and the politics particularly of Tamil Nadu. The only Sri Lankan leader with a sense of history who sought to reach out to South India was Ranil Wickremesinghe who even sought to have a land bridge built to link this country with Southern India. He also cultivated the leaders of South Indian states forging personal friendships with them. In this context it is of particular importance for us to know the recent political history of Tamil Nadu and the origin of the Dravidian movement.
The first political party in present Tamil Nadu was the Justice Party which won the state Assembly elections in 1921. As its name implies, it stood for social justice. This party ‘governed’ for 15 years and then split up. The history of the Dravidian movement is replete with splits.
In 1944, the social reformer EV Ramasami, EVR or ‘Periyar’ as he was popularly known, left the Justice Party and founded the Dravida Kazhagam. Annadurai, a strong Tamil nationalist became its General Secretary and it was he who started the Dravida Nadu or ‘homeland for the Dravidian people’ cry and sought separation from India. This was abandoned after the Indo-China war. The Dravida Kazhagam was a movement directed against the Brahmins by non Brahmins who resented their control of the State administration. The DK fought for social justice. They particularly opposed the imposition of Hindi on the non-Hindi speaking south.
In September of 1949 Annadurai split with EVR, left the DK and founded the DMK. Their main plank was the neglect of the south consequent to the north-south divide and the control of the south by the north. It is important to remember that a fundamental tenet of the DMK is rationalism. The imposition of Hindi, the language of the North on the south, became a major issue. The language issue became a strident campaign slogan for the Party. It vowed to restore Tamil to its ancient glory and appealed to the sentiments of the Tamil people. It was this imposition of Hindi that that changed the politics of Tamil Nadu forever and resulted in the Congress which was a national party, whose leadership in the state consisted almost entirely of Brahmins, being replaced by a regional party, the DMK, which swept to power in the state in 1965.
The next split came in 1972 when MG Ramachandran was expelled from the DMK following differences between him and Karunanidhi. MGR raised issues of corruption against Karunanidhi and formed the Anna (named after Annadurai) DMK which later changed its name to All India DMK or the AIDMK under the leadership of Jayalalitha..
Yet another off-shoot of the DMK is the Marumalarachi DMK or the MDMK, which was formed in 1994 by V Gopalasamy who was expelled from the DMK. He has been succeeded by the notorious Vaiko, who is today the principal champion of the LTTE.
Yet another player on the scene is the Pattali Makkal Katchi or the PMK headed be yet another supporter of the LTTE, Dr. S Ramdoss who represents the strong Vanniyar community. He campaigns for reservations and social justice for the most backward classes. On all other issues the party’s objectives are identical to those of the other three parties.
Other than for Ranil Wickremasinghe who met and got to know Jayalalitha Jeyeram, none of our political leaders know the leaders of the Tamil people of Tamil Nadu; neither have they visited us nor have we visited them. As Prof. Seneviratne states, we need to think beyond our political borders. Our political leaders do not understand the political equation in India. The Congress government is wholly dependent on the DMK and Vaiko’s MDMK and if they pull out the government would crash. That is how weak the Congress government is. Therefore under no circumstances would the government in Delhi displease the Tamil parties who have most importantly a say in decision making at the center.
Tamil Nadu politics has a tendency to rotate power. I give below how the two principal parties fared in recent years at State elections:-
(Total number of seats in the Assembly is 234 for a population of over 50 million)
Considering the fact that at each election the ruling party has been defeated it seems most likely that the AIDMK will win the next election on form. This perhaps accounts for Karunanidhi’s actions motivated by panic.
Today the DMK has only two cabinet ministers: T.R Balu, Shipping, Road Transport and Highways and Raja, Minister of Communications and Information Technology. DMK also has two Ministers of State – PMK has one in Cabinet, i.e. Dr. Anbumani Ramdoss, son of Dr. Ramdoss, leader of PMK. (a vociferously pro-LTTE party). Congress has two Cabinet Ministers from Tamil Nadu i.e. P. Chidambaram, Finance and Mani Shankar Aiyar, they would not of course resign.
There are 39 members of Parliament from Tamil Nadu of which Congress has 22, DMK 16, PMK 6, MDMK 4 and CPI 1. At the 2004 election all these parties were in alliance and they won all the seats. However MDMK later on joined Jayalalitha’s alliance for the State election.
The two main parties in Tamil Nadu together command approximately 80% of the vote in the state; Nedumaran is politically insignificant. The smaller pro-LTTE parties that matter are: PMK (Around 6%), MDMK (around 3-4 %), the most important in the new equation is a new political party, DMDK (Desiya Murpokku Dravida Kazhakam) formed only in 2006 at the time of State assembly election by a film star called Vijaya Kanth. He enjoys about 10% voter support.
Karunanidhi is seeking a pound of flesh from our country in return for supporting the Congress to remain in power in Delhi. It is entirely their problem, but the machination of Tamil Nadu politicians does have an impact on our country.
Karunanidhi’s daughter, Kanni Mozhi, who has submitted a post dated letter of resignation is a Rajya Sabha member who was elected only some months back. She is rumored to be intimately friendly with a Christian Priest from Jaffna who is an LTTE sympathizer.
Parippu drop
We cannot of course be heading towards another parippu drop. India lost 1,272 men with over a thousand more were injured. Our ethnic issue is, as former Foreign Minister Jaswant Singh once stated, "a domestic matter for them to sort out". We must not become a pawn in a Tamil Nadu political game. There would surely be a huge uproar in this country if India intervenes again to bail out the killers of Rajiv Gandhi merely to remain in office or power.
The two main political parties are dependent on the smaller parties to form a government. These small parties are absolute supporters of the LTTE. The DMK (Karunanidhi) is supporting the Congress government, which is today in a precarious position due to the Communists having pulled out of the coalition and the Samajawadi Party ‘playing games’. The Congress government is dependent on the DMK to remain in power. The BJP has tied up with Jayalalitha’s AIDMK and her party too is wooing the small parties, which, as stated earlier, support the LTTE. But she has stated publicly that she does not endorse Karunanidhi’s demand which she describes as a political gimmick.
The LTTE’s political wing, the TNA, is also working overtime in Tamil Nadu traitorously exaggerating the conditions of the IDPs and rousing support to stop the offensive at the instance of the LTTE which knows it is facing a precarious situation; the Indian government is therefore placed in a difficult situation Why should they save the murderers of Rajiv Gandhi? Should not members of the TNA playing these games be charged for sedition?
Our relations
Indian friends tell me that we have created a credibility gap by promising their PM that we would come up with a political package to address the grievances of the Tamil people shortly after the government came to office and then seeking to cheat them by appointing the APRC which has according to them transparently dragged on the process unnecessarily till a military ‘victory’ was achieved. They claim that this act of the government has become so clear they find it difficult to accept its word any more.
I am also informed that after the government gave its assurance, the National Security Advisor Narayanan was sent by PM Manmohan Singh to assure Karunanidhi that Tamil grievance would soon be addressed and that they have now lost face and feel let down. I am also informed that an assurance had been given that fishermen from Tamil Nadu would not be fired upon but that we have reneged on this assurance also and that a number of MLA from the fishing villages on the west coast of Tamil Nadu are facing huge problems as a consequence.
To my mind it appears that the only way to head off the problem is to do what the President has always intended to do - reach out to the minorities with credible constitutional proposals immediately (this would pull the rug from under the feet of the LTTE) and at the same time to get our act together on the human rights front.
One final word; let us not put all our eggs in one basket let us also reach out and cut deals with other powerful countries to ensure our security. Let us also not forget one important fact: that if at all the political parties in Tamil Nadu, including the anti-LTTE AIDMK are agreed on any one thing, it is that the Tamils of Lanka must be able to live as equal citizens in dignity, in security and be able to decide on their own destiny in keeping with the principle of ‘subsidiarity’ within a united sovereign Sri Lanka. The ball, according to them, is in our court to come up with an offer which would be endorsed by them and which the LTTE would not be able to refuse.
The government should be able to formulate such an offer with the assistance of Indian constitutional experts in line with the Oslo formula. But the offer should be conditional upon the LTTE renouncing its goal of Eelam, renouncing violence as a means to achieve its political objective, agreeing to a phased demilitarization in keeping with their own security and accepting the principles set out in the Tokyo Declaration.
(The writer is a retired ambassador who served a term as Sri Lanka’s Deputy High Commissioner in New Delhi)
godagek@yahoo.com
www island.lk
Saturday, October 18, 2008
SL: EARLY DAYS OF PERADENIYA
Early days of Peradeniya Reminiscences......By R. Sunderalingam
Prestigious Jayatilleke Hall with warden,
Dr. G. P. Malalasekera. R. Sunderalingam is on his right
When I was appointed Assistant Superintendent of Police, Ambalangoda District in 1961, one of my first visits in the area was to the ancestral home of Dr. C. W. W.Kannangara, Father of Free Education in Sri Lanka. It is to him that all middle class Sri Lankans – Sinhala, Tamil, Muslim and Burgher - of my generation owe our sincere gratitude for making us what we are today. Due to his untiring efforts as Education Minister the Free Education Bill was passed in 1945, providing education free to all communities from kindergarten to university.
Although the University of Ceylon was established on July 1, 1942, the first move to Peradeniya was made only in 1950 – five years after the end of World War II and two years after independence. The reason for selecting this location for a seat of higher learning was quite obvious. Its natural beauty, the botanical gardens, the Mahaweli River, temperate climate and its close proximity to the ancient Hill Capital plus its religious significance – the Dalada Maligawa or the Temple of the Sacred Tooth – proved there was no better place for a university campus. The environment was clearly conducive for higher studies.
Perhaps it is for similar reasons – apart from security considerations - that during World War II Admiral Lord Louis Mountbatten, Supreme Commander of Allied Forces in South-East Asia, selected Peradeniya for his headquarters when he shifted it from India to Sri Lanka in 1944.
The first move to Peradeniya was made in 1950 with just a few students. The university Law Faculty - preparing students for the LLB Degree - had taken temporary residence in Peradeniya. Among them were Felix R. Dias, Lakshman Kadirgamar, Kapukotuwa and Ana Seneviratne, who later became Inspector-General of Police.
In later years the vicinity of the campus also provided an ideal spot for young undergraduates who were struck by Cupid’s arrows. The mist covered Hantane hills became the regular haunt of young lovers from the university. As the years went by the place came to be romanticized by Sinhala lyric writers and novelists.
It was only on October 6, 1952 that the university was formally established. All Arts Faculty students numbering almost 1,000 moved from Colombo to Peradeniya. They – including myself - were called the Peradeniya Pioneers. This historical event was made possible primarily due to the efforts of the Vice Chancellor, Sir Ivor Jennings.
Halls of Residence included Jayatilleke, Arunachalam, James Peiris, Ramanathan, Hilda Obeysekere and Sanghamitta – named after well known historical, social and political figures. Marrs Hall was named after the first Principal of the University College, Colombo. In those good old days we pioneers were privileged lot being entitled to single room accommodation with all the modern amenities – a far cry what the place turned out to be decades later. The kitchen was well equipped and had a trained staff. Each hall had a warden, who was often a very senior member of the academic staff.
The important event of the university becoming fully operative at Peradeniya was celebrated in subdued fashion, with the Vice Chancellor planting a tree opposite the entrance to the lodge, because the government was keen to postpone the ceremonial opening arranged for 1952, until Queen Elizabeth II could participate in the event, which was on April 20, 1954. The postponement was caused by the death of her father King George VI.
Among the well-known academic staffers during our time were, Dr. Gunapala Malalasekera, Professor J. L. C. Rodrigo, Professor Hettiarachchi, Professor Ludowyke, Fr. Pinto, F. R. Jayasuriya, Doric de Souza and Prof. Wijesekera.
I was at Jayatilleke Hall and was fortunate to have Prof. Malalasekera, leading Buddhist scholar, later President of the World Fellowship of Buddhists and Sri Lanka’s (then Ceylon) first Ambassador to Soviet Russia. I had a close working relationship with him in the university. Later when I was Superintendent of Police, Northern Province, he was my personal guest in Jaffna, as Chairman of the National Commission on Higher Education. His proficiency in Hindu and Buddhist Philosophy was amazing. During his term as Ambassador in Russia, he was often invited to address meetings where his in-depth knowledge of Buddhism and Hinduism was a topic of interest to Moscow-based Western diplomats, although the then hard-core communist regime there had virtually no interest in the subject.
Campus politics were invariably Left oriented. Most students were divided into the two Marxist camps – the Trotskyites and the Stalinists. There were the LSSP, CP, Bolshevik and other groups. They often invited such speakers as Dr. N. M. Perera Dr. Colvin R. de Silva, Pieter Keuneman and Philip Gunawardena to address meetings.
Peradeniya University was a big draw in the itinerary of all VIP visitors. In 1954, the then President of the UN General Assembly Vijayalakshmi Pundit with Prime Minister Sir John Kotalawala visited the campus. Popular Indian movie stars Raj Kapoor and Nargis were among the other visitors who drew the keen attention of the undergraduates.
The first big political explosion in the campus was the Hartal of 1953 following the hike in the price of rice. Rail transport was paralyzed and there were violent incidents in Colombo. (The violent unrest led to the resignation of Prime Minister Dudley Senanayake). When the university students rioted in support of the hartal, police moved into quell the riot and in the ensuing clash students and police personnel were injured.
When the students were charged with rioting, the case came up before Justice Pulle in 1954 and we were able to get the best lawyers to appear for us. It so happened that I was elected President of the Jayatilleke Hall as well as President of the University Students Council uncontested for the first time in the history of university politics. My name was proposed by Neville Jayaweera and Vincent Panditha. (Both of them later had illustrious careers in the Ceylon Civil Service).
Dr. Colvin R.de Silva agreed to appear for us free of charge in the Hartal case. He had then just won the acquittal of Sathasivam who was charged with the murder of his wife. In the Hartal case too Colvin’s forensic skills were so excellent that all students were freed. We garlanded him in the court premises and I requested him to be our guest at the Jayatilleke Hall high table dinner during the following week. The topic of his address was "Mostly Murders I Defended."
On the last day, due to commitments in Colombo, he instructed his junior K.C. Nadarajah to talk on the same subject. I was at the high table with the Warden, Dr. G. P. Malalasekera. The Hall was packed to capacity as Nadarajah deputizing for Dr. De Silva began saying that the most sensational murder at the time was the Sathasivam case. According to Nadarajah, Sathasivam was weak on liquor and women but he did not murder his wife. The sequence of evidence recorded and the legal arguments and forensic medicine as illustrated by the speaker was fascinating and convincing to the undergrads. It was proved that Sathasivam was not a murderer, as claimed by the prosecution, but a victim of circumstances.
Life works in strange ways. While as President of the Students Union I visited Colombo to meet with Dr. Colvin R. de Silva to defend fellow students, my role was totally reversed over a decade later. Then as Acting Superintendent of Police, Kandy, I had to lead a riot squad to quell a student riot. Despite my strong warning that police intervention in university student unrest would aggravate the situation, the then Vice Chancellor, Sir Nicholas Attygalle, veteran Gynecologist and successor to Sir Ivor Jennings, was adamant that police should intervene to bring the situation under control. I met him in early December 1965 and recalled my experiences as a student at Peradeniya during the Hartal of 1953 and advised him against such a move. But he would not listen and insisted that the police enter the campus. He had even complained to Prime Minister Dudley Senanayake that SP Kandy had refused to enter the campus stating that it was an internal matter that University Marshal should deal with. It was Sir Ivor who as VC had employed Marshals to handle security within the campus to avoid the police entering the premises.
Later Police Headquarters gave me specific instructions that the police should intervene only if there was a complaint of a criminal offence inside the campus. When I heard from university professors that trouble was brewing there - instead of rushing in - I along with two ASPs visited the university biology lab, which was surrounded by hundreds of striking students. I told the strikers that I was the President of the Students Union in the 1950s and was fully aware of their problems but appealed to them to demonstrate peacefully instead of inciting others and blocking university entry doors. My appeals to the students to disperse however failed and I had no alternative but to move a riot squad into the campus. The police intervened in response to a telephone call from Professor Cruz that the biology building was being stoned causing heavy damage. The student-police clash led to several injuries and some were serious. All the injured were admitted to the Kandy hospital. It was the first time in the universityhistory that the police were compelled to use both firearms and batons.
The destruction caused to the campus property was enormous. The rioting students had heavily damaged the Vice Chancellor’s lodge and other buildings. The national press gave wide coverage to the incident and asked why the police entered the campus. The saving grace, also highlighted in the newspapers, was that the SP Kandy (me) did the right thing by appealing to the students to demonstrate peacefully – before the rioting broke out. Yet Opposition politicians were demanding my interdiction. My name was however cleared by veteran Journalist H. L. D. Mahindapala who wrote an interesting piece in a leading newspaper giving the sequences of events that led to the Peradeniya Campus riot, with reference to my role as Student’s Union President in the 1950s.
Premier Dudley Senanayake stated in Parliament that he approved police intervention but promised a commission to probe the incident. The commission resulted in several innovations to the university administration. The proposals were outlined in the Higher Education Act No. 20 of 1966 the aim of which was to introduce a certain measure of State control to academic self-government. University Courts were abolished and the Councils were replaced by Boards of Regents. A National Council for Higher Education (NCHE) was set up in Colombo to supervise and regulate universities. Under the new Act, the Vice Chancellors would be selected rather than elected.
While steps were taken to appoint the commission, police filed plaint in Kandy against the ring leaders of the students’ riot. My evidence was vital as to the prior warning issued to them. As I recall, all those convicted were given suspended sentences.
Graduates who passed out from the Peradeniya Campus in the 1950s and early ‘60s made important contributions to the country in various capacities. Among them were leading Civil Servants (Administrative Service officers), Foreign Service officers, high-ranking police officers including three Inspectors-General and about seven Deputy Inspectors General, High Court Judges and top Prosecutors in the Attorney General’s Department. Several others joined the University Academic staff while three became editors of the country’s prestigious newspapers.
The comradeship formed at Peradeniya had it’s advantages in getting jobs done for the Police Department through my university contemporaries in all spheres of the Public and Private sector. I vividly recall the night of April 5, 1971 when JVP insurgents attacked over 70 police stations from North to South of the island. I was then SP Northern Province. We successfully repulsed the attack on the Jaffna Police Station, aimed at rescuing JVP Leader Rohana Wijeweera from the Jaffna Fort prison.
But the Vavuniya Police station was not so fortunate. It came under a heavy onslaught from a JVP group in Anuradhapura causing total panic and turmoil in the District which had hitherto never heard of or witnessed such an attack on a police station in the North. Within one hour Vavuniya Government Agent Neville Jayaweera - my good friend at Jayatilake Hall, Peradeniya Campus – was at the besieged Police Station. He took up residence there and called me promptly to appraise me of the situation. Given full responsibility to restore law and order, he proved his worth, directing all police/civilian operations. His hourly transmissions to me kept me abreast of the situation.
Within 48 hours the district was back to normal with all government offices and banks fully functioning and the population getting about freely with no hindrance. Food supplies were uninterrupted and transport was normal while other parts of the country experienced serious problems. Jayaweera was a good example of what a high profile and capable GA can do – a miracle in time of crisis.
I left Sri Lanka in 1985 on an Interpol Assignment and continued my service at Interpol HQ in Paris until 2003. During the period my visits to Sri Lanka were infrequent. Our son, an orthodontist in the USA, is also a Peradeniya Graduate and by more than coincidence was also a resident at Jayatilake Hall in the late 1970s. In later years he was very interested in visiting the university with his wife to revive happy memories of his days there. My wife and I too joined this trip in December 2004 visiting Peradeniya and Kandy, spending almost a full day there including the botanical gardens. While in Kandy, the then Diyawadana Nilame of the Dalada Maligawa, Neranjan Wijeratne, received us with a special pooja at the temple. This was followed by a dinner hosted by the then Central Province Governor, the late Monty Gopallawa - incidentally a university student leader during the campus riot of 1965 when I was SP Kandy.
The visit to Kandy and Peradeniya were memorable. In the 1950s Peradeniya campus was vibrant with its students coming from different ends of the island – North, East, South and West. It was vastly enriched by multi-ethnic and multi-cultural composition. The harmony blended so seamlessly that it bred no distance no rancour. Today, the campus as such remains much the same – including the majesty of its buildings. The scenic beauty is as verdant as it was 50 years ago. The picturesque surroundings and the magnificent Mahaweli flowing through look livelier than ever before.
But what is shockingly missing is the easy-going camaraderie that was there – the fellowship in the student community which harboured no prejudice, had a scant awareness of differences and nurtured no acrimony among them. This culture of oneness that radiated from Peradeniya at the time was reflected in all walks of life in the country.
Today there is a heavy air of separateness, a palpable sense of distance, a tangible notion of mental barriers that was essentially unknown in our undergraduate days. This is again unfortunately true across the nation. The prevailing segregation that is alien to its spirit and culture needs to be eliminated. We old timers still yearn for those halcyon days and fervently hope that the smouldering embers of trust and affection, bonhomie and solidarity can be stoked and kindled back to their old glory.
As pioneer graduates of Peradeniya University nothing would warm and fill our hearts more than to see the wick of harmony and peaceful co-existence lighting the torch of Sri Lankan society where the wax of ever abiding cooperation and collaboration would nourish it. We look forward to the day that Sri Lanka would once again become the showcase of a benign, pluralist and accommodative culture, celebrating life and rejoicing in its bounty.
www island.lk
Thursday, October 16, 2008
SL: HOW TSUNAMI VICTIMS TREATED.....!!
Some houses built for Tsunami victims still not completed
By S.H. Mithrapala
After almost forty five months of the tsunami disaster, some affected families are still languishing in refugee camps and in half-completed houses without doors, windows electricity and sanitary facilities. Colossal amounts of foreign funds sent to various organisations have not benefited the needy affected families as some unscrupulous persons who handled most of the projects have used a good part of the foreign donations to increase their wealth.
The ten houses constructed at Tangalla, Lunumadawa on Nalagama road is a typical example of the substandard work done by the contractors due to obvious reasons. This housing project was commenced a few weeks after the December 26, 2004, tsunami by Rev. Ramesh Fernando of the Tangalla Methodist Church.
Only ten houses have been built and five of them have been given to five families. Most of the houses are without basic amenities. All ten houses lack water, electricity and those who have come into occupation have to walk about half a mile in search of drinking water. In some of the hitherto unoccupied houses doors, windows and door locks have been removed by unknown persons. Inside some of the unoccupied houses empty bottles of arrack and used family planning items had also been found.
www island.lk
By S.H. Mithrapala
After almost forty five months of the tsunami disaster, some affected families are still languishing in refugee camps and in half-completed houses without doors, windows electricity and sanitary facilities. Colossal amounts of foreign funds sent to various organisations have not benefited the needy affected families as some unscrupulous persons who handled most of the projects have used a good part of the foreign donations to increase their wealth.
The ten houses constructed at Tangalla, Lunumadawa on Nalagama road is a typical example of the substandard work done by the contractors due to obvious reasons. This housing project was commenced a few weeks after the December 26, 2004, tsunami by Rev. Ramesh Fernando of the Tangalla Methodist Church.
Only ten houses have been built and five of them have been given to five families. Most of the houses are without basic amenities. All ten houses lack water, electricity and those who have come into occupation have to walk about half a mile in search of drinking water. In some of the hitherto unoccupied houses doors, windows and door locks have been removed by unknown persons. Inside some of the unoccupied houses empty bottles of arrack and used family planning items had also been found.
www island.lk
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