Saturday, January 31, 2009


Our top priority, safeguard civilian lives!....Minister:Rishad Bathiudeen

BY........... By Dhaneshi YATAWARA

With a huge influx of displaced people, the Resettlement and Disaster Relief Services Ministry has undertaken the gigantic task of providing shelter until they are ready to return home. Minister Rishad Bathiudeen explained this most complicated yet feasible task in an interview with Sunday Observer. Here are excerpts of the interview:

Q: According to the information you have received up to now, what is the present status of the civilians entering the cleared areas?

Resettlement and Disaster Relief Services Minister Rishad Bathiudeen

A: Well, the most painful problem we face is the difficulty in getting the people out of uncleared areas, as the LTTE is holding them by force.

This is a very inhuman and unethical attitude on the part of the LTTE. Presently 2,254 people belonging to 837 families are with us in the Welfare Centres in Vavuniya.

And in Jaffna, approximately over 1800 people who had escaped recently have been sheltered in centres.

Q: Did the government expect such an influx of people?

A: At any rate we always welcome these innocent people. Actually we expected there would be at least 200,000 people coming out of the uncleared areas, depending on the statistics that were available.

Under the directive of President Mahinda Rajapaksa we have used every possibility to safeguard the lives of people.

We expect all the people still trapped to come out. Since the last quarter of 2008, the Government continuously invited the people to come out.Leaflets were dropped from air informing the civilians on `no war zone' areas, safety passage etc.

We have also informed them through UN agencies, District and Divisional Secretaries as well.

Q: Were we ready to face this challenge?

A: Definitely. We have good past experience in taking care of over 200,000 displaced people in the East and resettling them. It was a huge challenge. With the support from Presidential Advisor, Basil Rajapaksa and the Presidential Secretariat we have a very practical and sustainable plan for the welfare of the currently displaced people.

Q: How does the Ministry plan to provide these newly displaced people with their basic needs?

A: At the moment we have arranged to provide these people with cooked meals.

It is handled by our Ministry. Mobile health units are functioning with the assistance from doctors and the staff of nearby hospitals. This is going on without a break.

We have placed ambulances at the welfare centres. Water and sanitation facilities have been provided and we are in the process of building individual housing units for each family providing them with cooking utensils and dry food rations in the near future.

Q: What are the new measures taken in relation to the latest developments?

A: President Mahinda Rajapaksa gave a directive to release a total land area of 1000 acres in the Vavuniya district to build three villages for the displaced people.

Resettling programs can take a long time and will be laborious as the respective residential areas of these people are laid with LTTE's Anti Personnel Mines.De-mining and clearing these areas and then to obtain a Safety Assurance Certificate from the Security Forces need a considerable time considering the workload they have to perform.

Q: How will this novel concept be activated?

A: We have planned to build three relief villages - Ramanathan Relief village, Kadirgamar relief village and Arunachalam relief village. These villages will have facilities for people to lead a normal life. We will provide education for the children, water, electricity, telephones and other basic facilities.

Q: How will these services be extended to these people?

A: Though these people have become IDPs, earlier either they were government servants, businessmen, farmers, fishermen etc. They can contribute within their capacities. The State employees can play a major role. There may be school principals, teachers, directors, clerks etc. They need to continue with their work. We only need to coordinate this properly. This is not impossible.

Q: What is the status of resettlement programme?

A: In the East 95% is over now. The balance is in progress and definitely we will be able to finish it within this year. Resettling people in a war affected area is not that simple. First and foremost we need to assure that the area is safe.Then the rest will follow. With the recently liberated areas we will start from Mannar. De-mining process, especially in the Silavatura and Musali areas is in progress. Then we will move into Vavuniya, to Kilinochchi and Mullaitivu as the Security Forces move on consolidating their positions.

Q: What are the obstacles?

A: Resettling had to be adhered to certain internationally accepted ethics. These are not really obstacles. We have to fully assure the safety of these people and their future. First and foremost, we need to check those who are willing to return to their homes because some may not be willing with the trauma they had gone through.We can't resettle people without their consent. After the areas have been de-mined the officials will have to evaluate the sites, establish Government offices and then restore the basic infrastructure facilities.


Military exercise until Mullaitivu is freed - Minister Champika Ranawaka


Mahinda Rajapaksa Government would not stop the military exercise until the whole of Mullaitivu is liberated. Internal or the external forces cannot compel the Government to stop the war against the LTTE, Environment and Natural Resources Minister Patali Champika Ranawaka said.

In an interview with the Sunday Observer he said that still some hidden conspiracies were propping up to save the LTTE, but the Government is committed to bring a meaningful freedom and a durable solution to the country’s national problem. “We have almost won the battle and defeated the LTTE. The Government does not have any conspiracy with India to stop the battle”, he confirmed.

Following are the excerpts of the interview:
Q: The war in the North will end very soon but people in the South are speculating about the development process of the East. Is there a well planned development strategy for the North?

A: No one can criticise the development activities taking place in the East. Developing the East is one of the priorities of the Government.

The Government has a comprehensive politico-military strategy which consists of three Ds - Demilitarization, Democratization and Development. These three Ds have been successfully implemented in the East now. Like in the East, the military is to defeat the LTTE in Vanni. That is the Demilitarization. Once the North is totally liberated the Government will implement the democratization. After resettling the displaced civilians elections will be held to select their representatives. The development of the North needs a properly planned strategy.

Q: Does the JHU believe that the Tamil people have grievances which were not met yet?

A: I do not think that the Tamils have problems just because they are Tamils. But they too have the same problems like lack of job opportunities to match their education, issues related to agriculture and poverty, which all other communities have. These are common problems to all the communities - Sinhala, Tamil and Muslim. These problems will be addressed under the democratization process. Instead of bureaucracy and elitism, the Government will implement meritocracy to give all communities equal opportunities without being biased towards any particular ethnic or religious group.

Q: Will the Government take steps to resettle the Sinhala and Muslim population who were there earlier in the Northern areas?

A: Yes. It is their right. I do not think that this should be done immediately as the Government’s first priority is to restore peace. When the trust is gradually developed between these communities, this will happen naturally. In 1981 there were 81,000 Sinhalese and 44,000 Muslims in Jaffna. Don’t you think that these people have a right to live in their original habitats.

Q: One of the main demands of the Tamils is about their language rights, which is said to have fuelled the whole conflict. What is your view?

A: It is not a problem only for the Tamils and as I said earlier it is common for others including Sinhalese. The children born in the North and East get the birth certificates in Tamil. This problem can be overcome when the communities learn each others’ languages. Over 90 percent of the Tamils and Muslims can speak Sinhala language.

Q: If you say that the Tamils do not have their own grievances to meet, then what is the use of having the APRC?

A: The JHU has decided to take part in the APRC for two reasons. One is we wanted to identify the so-called problems and to explain our stand to solve those problems. If someone can prove that the Tamils have problems and they have a right to have a separate state, as Buddhists we will agree with them. But we want to say one thing we are not ready to give into these demands at gun point.

It is only possible through discussions. If there is constructive evidence to say that the Tamils need a separate state the JHU is ready to agree with them.

The second reason why we have joined the APRC is that we wanted to emphasize the rights of the Sinhalese who lived for ages in the North and East. They have also faced many injustices due to the LTTE. They were killed or threatened and chased away. They were displaced for years.

Q: Are you confident that these conflicts could be solved through the APRC?

A: There is a Parliamentary Committee to change the country’s election system since 1994. Up to date the Committee has failed to reach to a common agreement to solve the matter. Therefore, the issues that are discussed in the APRC will take time to reach a common agreement. We cannot do things according to the aspirations of some individuals.

The APRC is a good forum because all the other agreements starting from the Bandaranaike-Chelvanayakam, Dudley-Chelvanayakam, Indo-Lanka Agreement by the J.R. Jayewardene, Provincial Council system, Chandrika Bandaranaike’s package and upto Ranil Wickremesinghe’s Ceasefire Agreement, all these are `palace conspiracies’. No other political party was given opportunity to make their contribution to these agreements. That means these agreements were not drawn according to the consensus of the ordinary people of this country. A group of two to three Colombo based people drafted these agreements. Then in 1992 the foreign diplomats, who wanted to make this country a confederal country, joined these groups. Then the `elite’ or ‘palace conspiracy’ became a `diplomatic conspiracy’.

The APRC is a forum for all the political parties to contribute towards the future of this country. This is the first time that all the political parties got an opportunity to contribute their views to solve the national problem. So the outcome of the APRC is strong and will remain longer than the decisions of the elites.

I think that the war against the LTTE has brought many `victories’ to the country. The Mahinda Rajapaksa Government has been able to defeat elite and diplomatic conspiracies while re-establishing the democracy in the war torn areas.

Q: The Government is talking about 13th Amendment to solve the national problem and how is it possible under the three Ds?

A: Yes, it comes under democratization process. But, the JHU is against giving Police and land powers to the Provincial Councils. India which devolved police powers, has taken the decision to keep it with the Central Government after the Mumbai terrorist attack. The JHU oppose implementing everything in the 13th Amendment. What is needed is a careful identification of the things that are appropriate for the country.

Q: Do you propose the `Gamsabha system’, which was proved very efficient system to devolve power?

A: Yes, it is a very efficient system and we have tested it with the `Gama Naguma’ program. What we suggest is that we should give more powers to the Pradeshiya Sabhas which help to develop the infrastructure facilities for the villagers and solve their problems at village level.


The Tamil responsibility
Looking back, moving forward:

By Skanda

On 2 January, the Sri Lanka armed forces brought the town of Kilinochchi, the administrative capital of the Tamil Tigers, back under government control. The win was not entirely unexpected, as speculation that the military was attempting to recapture the town, which the government lost in 1990, was rife by November last year. LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran had, however, ridiculed Colombo's effort to capture the city, dismissing it as a daydream of President Mahinda Rajapakse. Yet Kilinochchi fell to the security forces within a span of weeks, with the LTTE's famed military machinery collapsing like a pack of cards.

What happened? How was it that an organisation once described as the most ruthless guerrilla fighting force in the world folded up so quickly? What explains the fall of Kilinochchi?

Changing perception
The answer lies in the Tamil people's changing perception of the LTTE.

Unlike the reality in the late 1970s and 1980s, when Tamils saw the armed struggle as an extension of their political fight for equal rights, in the current context they were beginning to recognise the LTTE as part of an oppressive structure. In following his dream of supreme power in an independent Tamil Eelam nation state, Prabhakaran and the LTTE killed thousands of Tamil men and women who, though deeply committed to the cause of the Tamil people, did not espouse the LTTE ideology. Among others, Tamil intellectuals such as Rajini Thiranagama, Neelan Tiruchelvam and Appapillai Amirthalingam, as well as politicians of the calibre of Sam Thambimuttu and Yogeswaran, were all murdered.

With their cold-blooded killing of thousands and their subjugation of the organisations these individuals represented, the LTTE projected an aura of invincibility, instilling great fear in the Tamil fold. This fear drove many to blindly support any act by the LTTE, even leading some to inform on their neighbours for disloyalty to the group - encouraged acts that ultimately created an atmosphere of distrust akin to that of Nazi Germany. An absolute and abject culture of silence was soon built up within the Tamil community. Sullen and repressed, people began accepting LTTE diktat, not daring to disagree. In addition to this emotional burden, the LTTE also treated the public under their command with contempt: heaping taxes on them, instituting unreasonable laws (such as taxes on government and public servants, and even on items such as sand or bricks for construction or bricks) and forcing Tamils to perform numerous indefensible tasks, including providing a child to the organisation on pain of death.

Tigers' tyranny
The Tigers' tyrannical and disdainful treatment of Tamils resulted in the community moving further and further away from the group in spirit, but continuing to obey its orders due to a lack of alternatives. Whereas militant youths had initially joined the struggle out of a sense of common purpose, this spirit of unity had vanished by the middle of this decade. They were now fighting because they had been ordered to do so, and were afraid to refuse. Commitment to a cause had giving way to conscription. For every Tamil youth it killed, the LTTE was now gaining at least a dozen enemies. Fear still prevented the growing dissidents from taking concrete action, but history has shown that an oppressed people will eventually find ways to get back at their oppressors. Soon, information on enemy positions and movements began to dry up. The majority of the people no longer went out of their way to offer protection to cadres, hide arms and ammunition or provide food. And at the crucial moment during battles, the new recruits began to cut and run.

They began either surrendering to the Sri Lankan military or even informing the security forces about LTTE fighting strategies and plans.

Amidst such an evolution, Prabhakaran was already on the run before the fall of Kilinochchi, but that event had grave repercussions for the movement. The longstanding myth of invincibility had already been shattered following the fall of the east, and the capture of the northern bases. By January, the LTTE's defeat seemed imminent, finally giving the Tamil community the courage to begin criticising and later providing information on a guerrilla force that had so long inspired fear and hate.

In this situation, one would have expected Prabhakaran to chew on the cyanide capsule he is said to wear around his neck. But chew on the capsule he will not. Prabhakaran's strength (and weakness) has been his total commitment to his idea: he does not have the capacity to change, can never give up the idea of a separate state while he remains at the helm. What this means is that the Tamils living in the small area still under LTTE control will have to continue to suffer a little longer, until the few remaining cadres are vanquished or desert.

The tragedy of it all is that history will ultimately remember Prabhakaran as the man who failed to grasp the many opportunities given to him. When in power, for instance, President Chandrika Kumaratunga offered him complete control of the then-amalgamated Northern and Eastern Provinces, which he rejected - and later attempted to assassinate her.

Despite the steadfastness described earlier, Prabhakaran has also always been exceedingly cunning, and has always been at pains to protect himself. Thus, even as this article is being written, potentially reliable information suggests that the rebel leader might no longer even be in Sri Lanka.

No popular support
Indeed, the rapid folding of LTTE resistance to the Sri Lankan military is the surest signal that he may have already fled the country. If their leader were indeed gone, the cadre would see no reason to defend a particular position unto death; thus, the military would be able to overrun LTTE defences in rapid succession.

Even if such rumours are not true, the vanquished LTTE is still in no position to conduct a long, drawn-out guerrilla war. The common man is now battle-weary, tired of this war without end, this immoral war where brother kills brother. And without popular support, recruiting guerrilla fighters is simply not possible.

Looking back, moving forward
Against this backdrop, what will be the fate of Sri Lankan Tamils? Where do they go from here? Where do they stand as a community in the face of a military victory that is seen by many Sinhalese as their win over Tamils? Perhaps prophetic are President Rajapakse's own words, spoken from his quarters in Kandy on 17 January 2009: "Soon the lion flag will fly from every housetop from Point Pedro to Dondra Head ... from Colombo to Trincomalee." What this means for Tamils is that the community may well have to learn to live in the shadow of the conqueror. The community vision of a land where Tamils could live free, as equals with other communities, died a long time ago. As with every dream, it is now time to wake up and take stock of the realities.

Tamils let down
It is also time to face the horrific mistakes and crimes that were committed by Tamils in the name of that dream of independence. It is time to accept that recent leaders representing the community - be they from the LTTE, other militant groups or the politicians in Parliament - all let Tamils down, more often than not treating the people as their vassals. In his (or her) own way, at different times and to varying degrees, each of these leaders oppressed the very people on whose behalf he (or she) was taking up arms. It is time for Tamils to make peace with and amends to their neighbours in the Muslim community for the degradation, ethnic cleansing and untold suffering they have experienced at the hands of the Tamils' self-styled 'sole representatives', while the Tamil community silently watched with nary a word of opposition. It is a time to ensure that Tamils will never again let themselves be blinded, nor be wilfully blind nor condone crimes and faults committed by members of their community.

On the political front, the community must never forget the many chances that were offered but rejected out of hand. Nor should Tamils sink to cheering wildly and in gross ingratitude, biting the very hand that fed them, as occurred during the war against the Indian Peace-Keeping Force during the 1980s and with the assassination of Rajiv Gandhi. Tamils have much soul-searching and community-building to do, to ensure that they not allow the victor to impose a new oppressor from within Tamil ranks upon the community. While there will be no separate state, Tamil political parties will need to make the most of powers to be devolved under the 13th Amendment of the Constitution, in order to rebuild the shattered lives, economy, education and spirit of the Tamil people and land.



Time For Sri Lankan Tamil Diaspora To Speak Out

By B. Raman

"An organisation headed by a leader, who understands only terrorism, is unlikely to rehabilitate itself in the eyes of the international community. Prabakaran is a liability for the LTTE and the Sri Lankan Tamils in the post-9/11 world. The time has come for the LTTE leaders and the Sri Lankan Tamils—-including their overseas diaspora—- to do an introspection on their future course of action. If they have to preserve the gains made by thousands of their cadres since 1983, they have to find a new leadership. Prabakaran is no longer the man of the future. He is passe. He has become a liability for the Tamil cause. The sooner the Sri Lankan Tamils realise it, the better for them."

Extract from my article of January 22, 2007, titled LTTE AVOIDS BATTLE OF ATTRITION IN THE EAST available at

The reports regarding the desperate plight of about 1,50,000 Sri Lankan Tamils caught up between an advancing Sri Lankan Army and a retreating Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in the Wanni area of northern Sri Lanka are confusing.

2. Many have reportedly died and many, including many children, have been injured in the exchange of artillery fire between the two sides. In a situation like this, it is impossible to establish whose artillery killed whom. All one can say is that innocent civilians are paying a heavy price for the heavy exchange of artillery.

3. The Sri Lankan Army is disinclined to agree to a ceasefire to let the civilians be evacuated by the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) lest the LTTE take advantage of it to regroup. The LTTE is disinclined to let the civilians move to the safety zones set up by the Government lest this facilitate the advance of the Army.

4. The international community, including the Government of India, are unable to effectively bring pressure on both sides to help out the civilians. The Sri Lankan Army has estimated that it is only a few weeks away from totally eliminating the capability of the LTTE for conventional fighting and it is determined to achieve that objective even at the risk of some collateral damage to the civilians. The LTTE is afraid that if it lets the civilians go, it will have a face-to-face confrontation with the Army in which it is unlikely to do well.

5. Prabakaran, who is believed to be still commanding the retreating LTTE fighters, does not seem to realise that the chances of the LTTE staging a spectacular come-back as it did in the 1990s and recaptured Kilinochchi and Mulaithivu are remote. The loss of control over territory in the Northern Province is not so devastating for him as the loss of control over the Tamil population in the Eastern Province. In the past, many of the conventional fighters of the LTTE came from the Eastern Province and many of the terrorists from the Northern Province. It is no longer possible for him to get new recruits from the Eastern Province. The recent fighting in the North has indicated that the LTTE’s shortages in arm and ammunition and explosives are much more serious than originally estimated. With the rapidly decreasing possibility of finding replacement of human and material resources, his chances of staging a come-back conventionally are much less than what they were in the 1990s.

6. The terrorist wing of the LTTE also seems to be facing severe problems due to a shortage of explosive material, a drop in volunteers for suicide terrorism and the lack of time and space in the midst of a furious conventional war to motivate and train new volunteers and mount operations.

7. The use of the civilians to avert an impending final defeat on the ground should be condemned by all the political parties in Tamil Nadu, by the Government of India and the international community. Prabakaran has been living in a world of illusions just as Hitler was in the final days of the defeat of the Nazi Army before he and his mistress committed suicide in a Berlin bunker to avoid being captured by the advancing Soviet Army. Till he decided to kill himself, Hitler was fondly hoping that a reversal of fortunes was still possible. So too, Prabakaran seems to be having a fond hope that he and his men can stage a come-back even at this stage.

8. It is time for the Sri Lankan Tamil diaspora to assert itself and call upon the LTTE cadres to overthrow Prabakaran and other leaders, arrest them, hand them over to the Sri Lankan authorities and proclaim a unilateral ceasefire. It is time for the diaspora to come to terms with the reality and act before more civilians are killed. If they fail to do so and continue to encourage Prabakaran in his irrational illusions, history will judge them harshly.

(The writer is Additional Secretary (retd), Cabinet Secretariat, Govt. of India, New Delhi, and, presently, Director, Institute For Topical Studies, Chennai. E-mail:

WTRF would like ask Mr.Raman and other Indian politicians that rather than Tamil diaspora, Sonia Gandhi+Congress party have the moral duty and real ability to saveguard Tamil civilians as Tamils are true friends of India because of close religious, linguistic, cultural loyality with India and Indians! If war broke out between India and Pakistan/China you have no friends in Srilanka if Tamils are completely destroyed!You knew very well Sinhala leaders are with whom in the past!!!
When Sinhala soldiers were in big trouble in Kilaly,GOI helped them!!But today Tamil civilians are in big trouble!We hope and pray Lord Shiva,Vishnu,Ganesh and Muruga to guide India in this crucial movement to safeguard helpless/powerless Tamils in SL!!!
If India failed, you see Pakistani/Chinese flags in Jaffna/Katchativu as well as in TN!!! WE ARE WAITING FOR INDIA'S URGENT DECISION!!!WE WANT TO SEE AN INDIRA GANDHI IN SONIA GANDHI!!! GOODBYE OUR FRIEND RAMAN!!!


Minding the end game


The war, in its current phase, is nearing its end. There was never any doubt that the security forces, with their superior manpower, superior arms and control over the skies and sea, would in the end prevail over the LTTE in conventional operations. But the question was as to the extent of lives that would be lost, totally or partially, in regaining the territory under the control of the insurgents. Many in civil society, including religious leaders, had urged a softer approach with an occasional temporary truce. That was in the hope that such an approach would result in less trauma for those affected, both combatants and civilians caught-up in the crossfire and their families, and less loss of military, LTTE and civilian lives. The end result of this soft approach, even though it would have taken longer to achieve, would have been the same. But the defence establishment preferred a hard line approach, pushing for victory over the LTTE in the shortest possible time, irrespective of the increased trauma and casualties that such a strategy would have entailed.

The bulk of the LTTE’s fighting cadres are now holed up in and around Puthukudiyiruppu. But with them are also an estimated 230 to 250 thousand civilians. The Government has announced a ‘safety zone’ into which these civilians can move. It makes sense for these civilians to move into such a safety zone and there can be little doubt that the majority of them would prefer to do so. But the LTTE’s strategy, as expected, is to keep them as human shields. If all the civilians move out, their cadres would be sitting ducks to the fire power of the security forces. So the civilians are forced to remain in the cross-fire. But it is the duty of the Government to be mindful of the helplessness of these civilians. Subjecting them to artillery fire or preventing food from reaching them should not be employed as a strategy to force the civilians to flee at immense risk to their lives. It is within the capacity of the security forces, at least at this stage, to change strategy to ensure civilian safety. After all, they have the LTTE almost surrounded and there is no possibility at this stage of the LTTE regrouping and re-arming itself. Instead of working to political imperatives and election deadlines, it will be in the long-term interests of our country and our people if the security forces now show total commitment to the welfare and safety of the trapped Tamil civilians, a commitment that the LTTE has hardly ever shown. Such a commitment by the government will not be lost on the Tamil civilians.

The future after the end game

The future for the people of the North – and the East, despite claims of its ‘liberation’ – is a matter of concern to the country. The LTTE has been a monolithic outfit, totally under the control and direction of one leader. History has shown that any non-democratic organization will quickly collapse in the absence of its authoritarian leader. That surely will be the fate of the LTTE if its leader is captured or killed. If however he is able to go (or has gone) underground and continue leading the LTTE, then the outfit will go back to what it was in its early years and operate as a guerrilla force. It is difficult to predict if they will be a more deadly as guerrilla outfit, rather than as conventional insurgents.

But even as a guerrilla outfit, the LTTE’s effectiveness would be nullified if the Government commits itself to winning the hearts and minds of the Tamil people in the North, a commitment which they have not shown during the past three years. Replacing the LTTE with another armed group is not the way to go about providing democracy to the people of the North. The Government should have by now learnt the lessons of that policy in the East, where the LTTE has now re-emerged and is now making its militant presence felt. The Government dismisses the Tamil National Alliance as a proxy of the LTTE and has not even invited the TNA to make a contribution to the deliberations of the All Party Conference or the APRC. The irrelevance of the APRC today is of course not due to the absence of the TNA, but allowing only the armed groups to represent the Tamils was a disastrous decision. The TNA remains the only democratically elected representative of the Tamil people and by ignoring them the government has shown that it prefers to do business with armed clones of the LTTE rather than with elected representatives. After all, the TNA received over 90% of the votes in the Jaffna District.

After the assassinations of the early leadership of the TNA (and the earlier TULF), over the last ten years the TNA has lost leaders with a broad vision like Neelan Tiruchelvam, Joseph Pararajasingham and Nadarajah Raviraj to the assassin’s bullet and Veerasingham Anandasangari to intra-party politics. Only R Sambandan remains. He may be surrounded by hawks and chauvinists, but he is a person respected by the Tamil people and the government would have done well to recognise him with respect as an elected leader of the Tamil people.

The fear of the Tamil and Muslim people in the North and East is of continuing to live under discrimination and authoritarianism, even after driving out the LTTE from controlling any part pf the country. The government has shown no inclination so far to implementing the provisions of the 13th Amendment in its entirety, leave alone bringing any new meaningful devolution proposals. Armed groups still go round abducting, killing, robbing and harassing people in the ‘cleared areas’ of the North and East. And there are credible reports of planned colonisation of Muslim and Tamil lands by Sinhala settlers, implemented by chauvinist and fascist groups who are part of the government. That was the same disastrous policy followed in the nineteen seventies and eighties that gave birth to the LTTE. President Rajapaksa will understand the truth of the well–known saying of George Santayana about the danger of repeating the mistakes of history. Those who cannot remember the past, wrote Santayana, are condemned to repeat it. That is, those who fail to learn from the mistakes of their predecessors, are destined to repeat the same mistakes.

Post-war administration

To win over the local civilian population to the cause of peace and democracy, it is not enough to make pronouncements to that effect. In addition to the implementation of political devolution proposals in terms of the Constitution, there will be a need for a strong civilian administration. Such an administration should be manned by strong independent professionals. Even in a non post-war situation, politicians and military officers do not usually make good administrators. There have been exceptions no doubt. In the Uva, we have an ex-politician who is keeping the provincial politicians on their toes, irrespective of party politics. In the East, in an earlier era, we had an ex-military officer who provided an impartial administration. But in the current situation, we need independent Tamil or Muslim professionals who will be able to provide leadership to the people without having to be confined to their offices surrounded by security. We need professionals who will be above politics, above partisanship and who will be able to stand up both against political meddling as well as against armed groups of all types. Only such an administration can prevent militancy from raising its head once again and crucially win the hearts and minds of the civilians, who have undergone decades of harassment from various quarters.

A military presence will still be necessary but it will have to be a not-so-visible one. After years of fighting an ethnic insurgency, mindsets of the security forces will be difficult to change. A re-orientation programme will be necessary to effect a change. But there will be chauvinists and fascists who will not want that mindset to change. How the governments handles this will be crucial to the development of democracy and good governance in the region. It can be questioned how a government that has failed to build up democratic freedoms and adherence to the rule of law in the rest of the country can do in the new situation in the North.

The only hope is that political expediency will be less of a factor in the North. But we are doomed if the government succumbs to political expediency and installs an armed group there.


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Prabath Sahabandu


Sir.Pon Ramanathan

Sir.Pon Arunachalam

Sir Ponnambalam Arunachalam:

True nationalist and patriot of Ceylon
The Sir Ponnambalam Arunachalam Memorial Oration, delivered by Dr. Brendon Gooneratne on January 19, 2009

Sir Ponnambalam Arunachalam

Ponnambalam Arunachalam was the youngest son of Gate Mudaliyar A. Ponnambalam. He was born on September 14, 1853 to a highly respected and very well-educated, professional family from Manipay.

His eldest brother Ponnambalam Coomaraswamy had a distinguished career as a Proctor and was the Nominated Tamil Member of the Ceylon Legislative Council from 1893.

The next eldest child of the family, his brother, Ponnambalam Ramanathan, an Advocate, succeeded their uncle, Sir Muttu Coomaraswamy, as the Nominated Tamil Representative, serving from 1879 to 1893, and later on from 1921 to 1924.

Ponnambalam Ramanathan was also elected to the Legislature as member for the Northern Province (Northern Division) seat and occupied it from 1924 till his death in 1930. In addition to this appointment, Ramanathan was the island’s Solicitor-General from 1893 to 1906 for a period of 13 years, acted as Attorney-General on several occasions, and retired as a pensionable officer in 1906.

Both the elder brothers of Sir Ponnambalam Arunachalam were educated at the Colombo Academy (now Royal College), and then at Presidency College, Madras.

Like his older brothers Ponnambalam Arunachalam, had his early education at the Colombo Academy, but, having won the English University Scholarship in 1870, he entered Christ College, Cambridge.

He took with him a reputation as a student of exceptional merit, recommended by Sir Walter Sendall, Director of Public Instruction.

At Cambridge, he proceeded to annex the Foundation Scholarship. As a student, Ponnambalam Arunachalam was in a position to watch the changes made by Disraeli to the voting system in Britain and stored his observations for future reference.

Sir Muttu Coomaraswamy, who was Arunachalam’s mother’s brother, had been a friend of Lord Houghton, Palmerston and Disraeli, in the London of the 1860s. Disraeli’s unfinished novel, Falconet, which was published in the London Times after the author’s death in 1881, featured a character named Kusinara, ‘an inhabitant of Ceylon’, who, although a Buddhist, is thought to have been modelled upon Sir Muttu Coomaraswamy. Sir Muttu was the first Ceylon Tamil to receive a knighthood, and the first non-Christian Asian to be called to the English Bar.

Lord Houghton had this to say of him: “I held him in great esteem. He has never received due credit for the energy with which he opened the Bar of England to all Eastern subjects of the Empress of India.”

Sir Muttu’s only son, Dr. Ananda Coomaraswamy, world-famous art critic and author, who played a pivotal role in the cultural revival of India and Ceylon, died in 1947 in Boston USA where he had worked in the Fine Arts Department for many years.

The three Ponnambalam brothers and their cousin Ananda Coomaraswamy grew up in the cultural atmosphere provided by Sir Muttu Coomaraswamy, under his kindly protection and guidance. They thrived on it.

While at Cambridge, Arunachalam distinguished himself in both Classics and Mathematics. In the records of Christ College he is referred to as ‘a brilliant mathematician and an able classics scholar’. Among his tutors at Cambridge were Fletcher Moulton (afterwards Lord Chief Justice), Professor Reid, Dr. Peile and Rev. Skeat.

He moved in some interesting circles which included the two Lyttletons, Gerald and Eustace Balfour, Professors Maitland and Foxwell, Rev. Cunningham, Lord Tennyson (eldest son of the Poet Laureate), Alexander Harris and Edward Carpenter.

Carpenter, a notable radical, cherished a warm, life-long friendship with Arunchalam and paid a most eloquent tribute to his friend after his death by publishing a selection of Arunachalam’s letters to him in a book entitled ‘Light from the East’.

Arunachalam had qualified for the Bar and was looking forward to a legal career, but on his return to Ceylon in 1875 his uncle Sir Muttu Coomaraswamy persuaded him to sit for the Civil Service examination. He did so, and his talent and academic excellence ensured that he was the first Ceylonese to enter the Civil Service through open competition.

Arunachalam was now appointed to the Government Agent’s office in Colombo and then to a series of judicial posts in various parts of the island. This was a policy unofficially adopted by the British Government of the day, which effectively debarred outstanding Ceylonese from taking high office in Government and instead appointed them to various parts of the island in different capacities, such as District Judges, Police Magistrates and Commissioners of Requests.

Another talented person who was given the same runaround was Paul Pieris, later Sir Paul, the scholar and historian.

Sir Paul Pieris put his time in the provinces to good use, by researching and writing excellent books on successive periods of Ceylon’s history, of such distinction that he was later to become the first Asian to receive a Doctor of Letters degree from Cambridge University.

Arunachalam’s talent and hard work attracted the attention of Sir John Phear, a great Chief Justice of Ceylon, who specially commended his work to the Governor and the Secretary of State. Sir John said that only two men in Ceylon rose to the standard of what judicial officers ought to be one was Berwick, the other was Arunachalam.

When he was District Judge of Batticaloa and in the Fourth Class of the Civil Service, Sir Arthur Gordon appointed Arunachalam over the heads of about thirty seniors, among whom was Mr. (late Sir) Alexander Ashmore, to act in the office of the Registrar-General and Fiscal of the Western Province. A protest memorandum was lodged with the Secretary of State. But Sir Arthur Gordon, who obviously recognized merit when he found it, had his way and Arunachalam took office as Registrar-General.

Arunachalam now set himself to reform the Fiscal’s office which had become a den of corruption and inefficiency. He reorganised the Departments of Land Registration and Registration of Births, Deaths and Marriages, for which he was warmly congratulated by the Governor.

The Times of Ceylon, reporting at the time Arunachalam entered the departments, on the Administration Reports on Land Registration and Vital Statistics, observed that they were places where chaos and corruption held merry sway. Fraud was rife. Dishonest deals often took precedence over genuine dealings, and everybody’s property and title were endangered. Not very different, I am afraid, from the Sri Lanka of today.

The measure of the man may be seen in the way he set about reforming the Registrar-General’s Department.

Sitting by the side of the various clerks as they performed their tasks, he patiently learned their work before launching the reforms by which he stopped the unconscionable delays and dishonesty prevailing in the registration of deeds, and ended the practice by which official work was being conducted as a form of private practice with fees levied privately for its discharge.

He started a real record room, supplied it with a system and an index and founded a Benevolent Society which saved many a clerk from the grasp of money-lenders as well as from social disgrace and penury, paid many a widow and orphan and made clerical lives lighter and brighter.

These activities were notices by a distinguished American statistician, who informed the Governor of Ceylon that “there is not published in the entire United States a report equally valuable and comprehensive”.

Governor Sir West Ridgeway entrusted the organisation of the 1901 Census of Ceylon to Arunachalam. The report elicited the thanks of both the Governor and Secretary of State. But it was Armand de Souza, Editor of the Ceylon Morning Leader, and influential paper of the day, who wrote:

“The curious reader .... will find the Report which introduces the Census of 1901 perhaps the most luminous dissertation on the ethnological, social and economic conditions of the Island. In Sir P. Arunachalam’s Account of the history and religions of the Island in his Census Report would be found the language of Addison, the eloquence of Macaulay and the historical insight of Mommsen”.

(To be continued)


Political solution The next target


Will the capture of rebels’ final bastion signal the end of the long-pending conflict? The common opinion is that the rebels will go ahead with terrorist activities even the war is declared over.

A Sri Lankan military victory over the LTTE is necessary for any chance of peace coming to fruition in Sri Lanka. Only with the LTTE gone as a military force from the island nation does Sri Lanka in general and Sri Lankan Tamils in particular have a chance for a peaceful and prosperous future.

Tamils will need to be full citizens of Sri Lanka

With support from other nations including apparently tacit help from India, Sri Lankan military seems to be in the final stages of military victory over the LTTE.

This is good news for Sri Lanka, Sri Lankan Tamils, and Sri Lanka as a nation, India, and even rest of the world as well. the LTTE is not a force that can be negotiated with. But it is almost guaranteed that even if the LTTE is militarily defeated, it will remain as a terrorist organization and continue to pose threat to Sri Lanka and India.

Needless to say, it is Sri Lanka’s responsibility to take care of the Tamil civilians during the conflict. But it is pathetic on the part of some Tamil Nadu leaders to act as mouthpieces of the LTTE. We cannot treat the LTTE anything but as a murderous terrorist organization.

But one must keep in mind that it was the Sinhalese chauvinism that started the situation between Tamils and Sinhalese majority in the first place, i.e. many decades back.

Now that the LTTE is getting defeated, it is time for Sri Lanka to pick up the pieces of peace negotiations with Tamils there and work for a political settlement of the issue. Sri Lanka with the help of India need to nurture moderate Tamil leadership in Sri Lanka to represent Tamil interests in Sri Lanka.

There have to be two broad agreements on the issue between the parties. One is that Sri Lanka will need to remain as a united country.

Second is that Tamils will need to be full citizens of Sri Lanka with all the associated rights, like any Sinhala citizen. Tamil needs to be treated as a major and official language of Sri Lanka along with Sinhala. Also, Sri Lanka should work towards some form of acceptable autonomy for Tamil areas.

It is possible that once the military threat from the LTTE is gone, Sri Lankan military and political class may develop a thinking that the issue can be put in the backburner and the issue may die down.

This is not going to happen. This is the historic opportunity for Sri Lanka to rebuild the nation and heal ethnic divides.

The political process has to happen even before the military campaign dies down. It is in the interests of India and rest of the world to see a peaceful solution to the Tamil issue in Sri Lanka. India is a legitimate party on the issue because it affects India directly.


Friday, January 30, 2009


நம் இமெயில் குழுவில் இருந்த, முத்துகுமரனின் கடைசி இமெயில் வந்த நேரம் காலை 7.40
இலங்கையில் தமிழர்கள் படுகொலை செய்யப்படுவதைக் கண்டித்து, சென்னையில் இன்று தீக்குளித்து மரணமடைந்த நம் அருமைச் சகோதரன் முத்துக்குமாரின் மரண வாக்குமூலம் இது.

தீக்குளிக்கும் முன்னர் முத்துகுமாரின் இறுதி அறிக்கை!

தீக்குளிக்கப் போவதற்கு சில நிமிடங்களுக்கு முன்பு முத்துக்குமார் வினியோகித்த துண்டு அறிக்கையின் விபரம் வருமாறு:

விதியே விதியே என்செய் நினைத்திட்டாய் என் தமிழ் சாதியை...

அன்பார்ந்த உழைக்கும் தமிழ்மக்களே...

என் பெயர் முத்துக்குமார். பத்திரிகையாளர் மற்றும் உதவி இயக்குநர். தற்சமயம் சென்னையில் உள்ள பத்திரிகை ஒன்றில் வேலை செய்து வருகிறேன். உங்களைப்போல் தான் நானும். தினமும் செய்தித்தாளையும், இணையத்தையும் பார்த்து பார்த்து, தினம் தினம் கொல்லப்பட்டு வரும் எம் சக தமிழர்களைக் கண்டு சாப்பிட முடியாமல், தூங்க முடியாமல், யோசிக்க முடியாமல் தவிக்கும் எத்தனையோ பேரில் ஒரு சாமானியன். வந்தாரை வாழ வைக்கும் செந்தமிழ் நாட்டில் சேட்டு என்றும், சேட்டனென்றும் வந்தவனெல்லாம் வாழ, சொந்த ரத்தம் ஈழத்தில் சாகிறது. அதைத் தடுத்து நிறுத்துங்கள் என்று குரல் கொடுத்தால், ஆம் என்றோ இல்லை என்றோ எந்த பதிலும் சொல்லாமல் கள்ள மௌனம் சாதிக்கிறது இந்திய ஏகாதிபத்தியம். இந்தியாவின் போர் ஞாயமானதென்றால் அதை வெளிப்படையாகச் செய்ய வேண்டியதுதானே.. ஏன் திருட்டுத்தனமாக செய்ய வேண்டும்?

ராஜீவ்காந்தியைக் கொன்றார்கள் என்ற சொத்தை வாதத்தை வைத்துக்கொண்டு, சில தனிநபர்களின் பலிவாங்கல் சுயநல நோக்கங்களுக்காக ஒரு பெரும் மக்கள் சமூகத்தையே கொன்று குவிக்கத் துடிக்கிறது இந்திய அதிகார வர்க்கம். ராஜீவ் காந்தி கொலையில் விடுதலைப்புலிகள் மட்டும் குற்றம்சாட்டப்படவில்லை. தமிழக மக்களையும் குற்றவாளிகள் என்று குற்றம்சாட்டியது ஜெயின் கமிஷன் அறிக்கை. அப்படியானால் நீங்களும் ராஜீவ்காந்தியைக் கொலை செய்த கொலைகாரர்கள்தானா?

ஜாலியன் வாலாபாக்கில் வெள்ளையன் கொன்றான் என்றார்களே, இவர்கள் முல்லைத் தீவிலும் வன்னியிலும் செய்வதென்ன? அங்கு கொல்லப்படும் குழந்தைகளைப் பாருங்கள். உங்கள் குழந்தைகள் நினைவு வரவில்லையா? கற்பழிக்கப்படும் பெண்களைப் பாருங்கள். உங்களுக்கு அதுபோன்ற வயதில் ஒரு தங்கையோ, அக்காவோ இல்லையா? ராஜீவ் கொல்லப்பட்டபோது காங்கிரசின் முக்கிய தலைவர்கள் ஏன் அவருடன் இல்லை, கூட்டணிக் கட்சித் தலைவியான ஜெயலலிதா, தமிழ்நாட்டில் ராஜீவ் கலந்துகொள்ளும் ஆகப்பெரிய பொதுக்கூட்டத்தில் ஏன் பங்கெடுக்கபோகவில்லை என்பதுபோன்ற கேள்விகள் கேட்கப்படாமலும், இவர்களால் பதில் சொல்லப்படாமலும் கிடக்கின்றன. மக்களே யோசியுங்கள். இவர்கள்தான் உங்கள் தலைவர்களா? பணம், அடியாள் பலம் ஆகியவற்றைக் கொண்டு மிரட்டல் அரசியல் நடத்தி வரும் இவர்கள் நாளை நம்மீதே பாய மாட்டார்கள் என்பதற்கு என்ன நிச்சயம்? அப்படி பாய்ந்தால் யார் நம் பக்கம் இருக்கிறார்கள்?

கலைஞரா? நாடாளுமன்ற உறுப்பினர்கள் ராஜினாமா செய்வார்கள் என்று அப்பொழுதும் அவர் அறிவிப்பார். பிறகு, மத்திய அரசைப் புரிந்துகொள்வார்(?!). பிறகு மறுபடி சரியான முடிவை எடுக்க வேண்டி சட்டமன்றத்தில் தீர்மானம் நிறைவேற்றுவார் - இந்த மாசம், இந்த வாரம், இதுவரைக்கும் என்ன எவனும் தொட்டதில்ல என்கிற வின்னர் பட வடிவேல் காமெடியைப் போல. காகிதம் எதையும் சாதிக்காது மக்களே! இப்பொழுது, உலகத் தமிழினத் தலைவர் என்ற பட்டப்பெயரைச் சூடிக்கொள்ளவும், தமிழ்நாட்டில் இருக்கும் பணத்தையெல்லாம் தன் குடும்பத்திற்கே உரித்தாக்கவும் விரும்புகிற தேர்தல் காலத் தமிழர் கலைஞர் மக்களின் கோபத்தை எதிர்கொள்ள பயந்து மருத்துவமனையில் போய் ஒளிந்துகொண்டுள்ளார். தனது மந்திரிகளுக்கு அவசியப்பட்ட துறைகளுக்காக சண்டப்பிரசண்டம் செய்து சதிராடிய இந்த சூரப்புலி உண்மையில் தமிழுக்காகவோ, தமிழருக்காகவோ செய்ததென்ன? ஒருமுறை அவரே சொன்னார், ''தேனெடுத்தவன் புறங்கையை நக்காமலா இருப்பா"னென்று. இவருடைய பம்மலாட்டத்தையெல்லாம் பார்த்தால் ரொம்பவே நக்கியிருப்பார் போலிருக்கிறேதே...

பட்டினிப் போராட்டத்தின் மூலம் களம் இறங்கியிருக்கும் சட்டக்கல்லூரி மாணவர்களே... உங்கள் போராட்டம் வெற்றிபெற சகதமிழனாக நின்று வாழ்த்துகிறேன். உங்களோடு களம் இறங்க முடியாமைக்கும் வருந்துகிறேன். ஈழத் தமிழர் பிரச்னை என்றில்லை, காவிரியில் தண்ணீர் விடச்சொல்லும் போராட்டமென்றாலும் சரி, தமிழ்நாட்டிற்காதவரான போராட்டம் எதுவாக இருந்தாலும் சரி, முதலில் களம் காண்பவர்கள் நீங்கள், வழக்கறிஞர்களும்தான். இந்த முறையும் நான்கு மாதங்களுக்கு முன்பாகவே களத்தில் இறங்கியவர்கள் இந்த இரண்டு தரப்பும்தான். உங்களுடைய இந்த உணர்வை மழுங்கடிக்கவே திட்டமிட்டு இந்திய உளவுத்துறை ஜாதிய உணர்வைத் தூண்டிவிட்டு, அம்பேத்கர் சட்டக்கல்லூரி அனர்த்தத்திற்கு வழிவகுத்திருக்கலாம் என்பது என் சந்தேகம். உலகம் முழுக்க மக்களுக்கான புரட்சிகரப் போராட்டங்களில் முன்கையெடுப்பவர்களாக இருந்தது மாணவர்கள் என்கிற ஜாதிதான். அதேபோல், தமிழ்நாட்டிலும் உங்களுக்கு முந்திய தலைமுறையொன்று இதுபோன்ற ஒரு சூழலில், இதுபோல் குடியரசு தினத்திற்கு முன்பு களம் கண்டுதான் காங்கிரஸ் உள்ளிட்ட தேசியக் கட்சிகளைத் தமிழ் மண்ணிலிருந்து விரட்டியடித்தது.

ஆக, வரலாற்று முக்கியத்துவம் வாய்ந்த ஒரு தருணம் உங்கள் கைகளுக்கு மறுபடியும் வந்து சேர்ந்திருக்கிறது. பொதுவாக உலக சரித்திரத்தில் இப்படியெல்லாம் நடப்பதில்லை. கடந்த முறை நடந்ததுபோல், உங்கள் போராட்டத்தின் பலன்களை சுயநலமிகள் திருடிக்கொள்ள விட்டுவிடாதீர்கள். போராட்டத்தின் பலன்களை அபகரித்து ஆட்சிக்கு வந்த தி.மு.க. முதலில் செய்த விசயம் மாணவர்கள் அரசியல் ஈடுபாடு கொள்ளக்கூடாது என சட்டம் போட்டதுதான். ஆட்சிக்கு வந்த அது, தமிழின உணர்வுகளை மழுங்கடித்து, ஒட்டுமொத்த தமிழினத்தையும் மகஜர் கொடுக்கும் ஜாதியாக மாற்றியது. அந்த மரபை அடித்து உடையுங்கள். மனு கொடுக்கச் சொல்பவன் எவனாக இருந்தாலும், அவனை நம்பாதீர்கள். நமக்குள்ளிருக்கும் ஜாதி, மதம் போன்ற வேறுபாடுகளை எரித்துக்கொள்ள இதுதான் தருணம். உண்ணாவிரதத்தையெல்லாம் தூக்கியெறிந்துவிட்டு களம் காணுங்கள். உண்மையில், இலங்கையில் இந்திய ராணுவ நடவடிக்கை என்பது தமிழர்களுக்கெதிரானது மட்டுமல்ல. ஒட்டுமொத்த இந்தியர்களுக்குமே எதிரானது. சிங்களச் சிப்பாய்களிடம் கற்றுக்கொள்கிற பாலியல் நுணுக்கங்களைத்தானே அவர்கள் அசாமில் அப்பாவிப் பெண்களிடம் பரிசோதித்துப் பார்த்தார்கள்! விடுதலைப்புலிகளை ஒடுக்குவதற்கான சிங்கள வன்முறை நுணுக்கங்களைக் கற்றுக்கொண்டு வடகிழக்கு மாநிலப் போராளிகளிடம் பயன்படுத்திக் கூர் பார்த்தார்கள்! போதாதற்கு, ஹைட்டியில் சமாதானப் பணிக்காக அனுப்பப்பட்ட ஐ.நா.வின் ராணுவத்திலிருந்து இந்திய மற்றும் இலங்கை ராணுவம் அவரவர்களுடைய பாலியல் நடவடிக்கைகளுக்காக அடித்துத் துரத்தப்பட்டிருப்பதிலிருந்து என்ன தெரிகிறது - இந்தக் கூட்டணி கொள்கைக்க்கூட்டணியல்ல, பாலியல் கூட்டணி என்றல்லவா!, ஆக இந்திய - இலங்கை இராணுவக் கூட்டு என்பது இந்தியர்களின் அடிப்படை மனித உரிமைகளுக்கும் கூட எதிரானதாக இருப்பதால், அகில இந்திய அளவில் மாணவர்கள், ஜனநாயக அமைப்புகளையும் உங்கள் பின்னால் திரட்டுங்கள்.

இதையெல்லாம் மக்களே செய்ய முடியும். ஆனால், அவர்கள் சரியான தலைமை இல்லாமல் இருக்கிறார்கள். உங்கள் மத்தியிலிருந்து தலைவர்களை உருவாக்குகள். உங்கள் போராட்டத்தை சட்டக்கல்லூரி மாணவர்கல் என்ற இடத்திலிருந்து அனைத்து மாணவர்கள் என்று மாற்றுங்கள். உங்களிடமிருக்கும் வேகமும், மக்களிடமிருக்கும் கோபமும் இணைந்து தமிழக வரலாற்றை அடியோடு மாற்றட்டும். ஆன்பலம், பணபலம், அதிகார வெற்றியை உடைத்து எறியுங்கள். உங்களால் மட்டுமே இது முடியும். 'நாங்கள் தமிழ் மாணவர்கள், தமிழ்நாட்டின் உயிரானவர்கள், இங்கு தமிழினம் அமைதிகொண்டிருந்தால் ஏடுகள் தூக்கி படிப்போம். எங்கள் தமிழர்க்கின்னல் விளைந்தால் எரிமலையாகி வெடிப்போம்' என்ற காசி அனந்தனின் பாடலை ஓர் அறிவாயுதமாக ஏந்துங்கள்.. என் உடலை காவல்துறை அடக்கம் செய்துவிட முயலும். விடாதீர்கள். என் பிணத்தைக் கைப்பற்றி, அதை புதைக்காமல் ஒரு துருப்புச் சீட்டாக வைத்திருந்து போராட்டத்தைக் கூர்மைப்படுத்துங்கள். எனக்கு சிகிச்சையோ, போஸ்ட்மார்டமோ செய்யப்போகும் தமிழ்நாடு மருத்துவக் கல்லூரி மாணவர்களே.. உங்கள் கையால் அறுபட நான் புண்ணியம் செய்திருக்க வேண்டும். காரணம், அகில இந்திய அளவில், மருத்துவக் கல்வியில் இட ஒதுக்கீட்டுக்கு எதிராக உயர்சாதி மாணவர்கள் போராடிக்கொண்டிருக்க, தன்னந்தனியாக நின்று, மருத்துவக் கல்வியில் இடஒதுக்கீட்டுக்கு ஆதரவாகப் போராடியர்களல்லவா நீங்கள்? எனக்கு செய்வதெல்லாம் இருக்கட்டும். நம் சகோதரர்களான ஈழத்தமிழர்களுக்கு உங்கள் பங்குக்கு என்ன செய்யப் போகிறீர்கள்?

தமிழீழம் என்பது தமீழத்தின் தேவை மட்டுமே அல்ல, அது தமிழகத்தின் தேவையும் கூட காரணம், இராமேஸ்வரம் மீனவர்கள், உலகில் ஆடு, மாடுகளைப் பாதுகாப்பதற்குக் கூட சட்டமும், அமைப்புகளும் இருக்கின்றன. இராமேஸ்வரம் தமிழனும், ஈழத்தமிழனும் மாட்டைவிட, ஆட்டைவிடக் கேவலமானவர்கள்? எல்லை தாண்டி போகும் மீனவர்கள், புலிகள் என்ற சந்தேகத்தின் பேரில் தாக்கப்பட்டு வருவதாக இந்திய மீடியா திட்டமிட்டு பிரச்சாரம் செய்து வருகிறது. இவர்களெல்லாம் செய்தித்தாளே படிப்பதில்லையா? சென்னையின் கடற்கரைகளில் அடிக்கடி தைவான் நாட்டை சேர்ந்த மீனவர்கள் வழிதெரியாமல் வந்த்வர்கள் என்று கைது செய்யப்படுகிறார்கள். பல ஆயிரக்கணக்கான கிலோமீட்டர்கள் தூரத்திலிருக்கும் தைவான் மீனவன் வழிதவற முடியுமென்றா, வெறும் பன்னிரெண்டு மைல் தூரத்திற்குள் இராமேஸ்வரம் தமிழன் வழிதவறுவது நம்புவது மாதிரியில்லையாமா?

தமிழ்நாட்டில் வாழ்ந்து வரும் வெளிமாநிலங்களைச் சேர்ந்த சகோதர்களே...

உங்கள் சொந்த மாநிலத்தில் கூட இல்லாத நிம்மதியோடும், பாதுகாப்போடும் வாழக்கூடிய மாநிலம் தமிழ்நாடு தான் என்பது உங்களுக்கு அனுபவத்தால் தெரிந்திருக்கும். நாங்கள் இன்று பெரும் இக்கட்டை எதிர்நோக்கியிருக்கிறோம். ஈழத்திலிருந்துக்கும் எங்கள் சகோதரர்கள் இந்தியர் என்னும் நம் பெயரைப் பயன்படுத்திதான் நம் அரசால் கொலை செய்யப்படுகிறார்கள். இந்தப் போராட்டத்தில் நாங்கள் தனித்துவிடப்படுவதை இந்திய அரசு விரும்புகிறது. அப்படி ஆக்கக்கூடாதென நாங்கள் விரும்புகிறோம். ஆகவே, போராடிக்கொண்டிருக்கும் எங்கள் சகோதரர்களுக்கு உங்கள் ஆதரவும் உள்ளதென மத்திய அரசுக்குத் தெரியப்படுத்துங்கள். அரசுகளில் அங்கம் வகிக்கக்கூடிய உங்கள் தேசிய இனங்களைச் சேர்ந்தவர்களை எம் கரத்தை பலப்படுத்துவதோடு, எதிர்காலத்தில், ஒரு நவநிர்மாண் சேனாவோ, ஸ்ரீராம் சேனாவோ தமிழ்நாட்டில் உருவகவிருக்கும் ஆபத்தைத் தவிர்க்கும் என்பது என் கருத்து.

தமிழ்நாடு காவல்துறையிலிருக்கும் இளைஞர்களே...

உங்கள் மீது எனக்கு இருக்கும் மதிப்பு கொஞ்சம் நஞ்சமல்ல, காரணம், தமிழுக்காக மற்றவர்கள் என்ன செய்தார்களோ, அலுவலர்களை ஐயா என அழைப்பது போன்ற நடைமுறை ரீதியில் தமிழை வாழ வைத்துக்கொண்டிருப்பவர்கள் நீங்கள்தான். மக்களுக்காகப் பாடுபடவேண்டும், சமூக விரோதிகளை ஒழுத்துக்கட்ட வேண்டும் என்பதுபோன்ற உன்னத நோக்கங்களுக்காகத்தான் நீங்கள் காவல்துறையில் இணைந்திருப்பீர்கள் என்று நம்புகிறேன். ஆனால், அதை செய்ய விடுகிறதா ஆளும் வர்க்கம்? உங்களை சிறுசிறு தவறுகள் செய்ய விடுவதன் மூலம் தன்னுடைய பெருந்தவறுகளை மறைத்துக்கொள்ளும் அதிகார வர்க்கம், உங்களை, எந்த மக்களுக்காகப் பாடுபட நீங்கள் விரும்பினீர்களோ, எந்த மக்களுக்காக உயிரையும் கொடுக்கலாம் என்று தீர்மானித்தீர்களோ, அந்த மக்களுக்கெதிராகவே, பயிற்றுவிக்கப்பட்ட அடியாள்களாக மாற்றுகிறது. டெல்லி திகார் ஜெயிலைப் பாதுகாப்பது தமிழக போலீஸ்தான். இந்தியாவில் பழமையான காவல்துறையான தமிழக காவல்துறை சிறப்பாக செயல்பட்டு வரும் காவல்துறைகளில் ஒன்று. ஆனால் அந்த மதிப்பை உங்களுக்குக் கொடுக்கிறதா இந்திய அரசாங்கம்! மத்திய அமைச்சர் ப.சிதம்பரம் தமிழகம் வந்து திரும்பிப்போகையில், சென்னை விமான நிலையத்தில், அவருக்கான பாதுகாப்பை வழங்க அனுமதிக்க மறுத்திருக்கிறார்கள் மத்திய காவல் அதிகாரிகள். ஏனென்று கேட்டதற்கு, ராஜீவ் காந்தியை நீங்கள் பாதுகாத்த லட்சணம் தான் தெரியுமே என்று கிண்டல் செய்திருக்கிறார்கள். ராஜீவ்காந்தியைத் தமிழக காவல்துறையால் காப்பாற்ற முடியவில்லை என்பது எவ்வளவு உண்மையோ, அதே அளவுக்கு உண்மை, ராஜீவோடு இறந்தவர்களில் பலர் அப்பாவி போலீஸ்காரர்கள் என்பது. உங்கள் அர்ப்பணிப்புணர்வு கேள்விக்காப்பாற்பட்டது. ஆனால் மேற்படி வெண்ணெய் வெட்டி வீரரர்கள் - அதுதான், இந்திய உளவுத்துறை - ராஜீவின் உயிருக்கு ஆபத்து இருக்கிறது என்ற தகவலை அறிந்தபோதும் மெத்தனமாக இருந்தது என்பது பின்னர் அம்பலமானதல்லவா... இதுவரை காலமும் நீங்கள் அப்பாவி மக்களுக்கெதிராக இருந்தாலும் தமிழகத்தின் பெருமைகளில் ஒன்றாகத்தான் இருக்கிறீர்கள். வரலாற்று முக்கியத்துவம் வாய்ந்த

இந்த தருணத்தில், நீங்கள் மக்கள் பக்கம் இருந்தால் மட்டுமே மக்களிடம் இழந்திருக்கிற பெருமையை மீட்டெடுக்க முடியும். ஒருமுறை சக தமிழர்களுக்காக அர்ப்பணித்துப்பாருங்கள். மக்கள் உங்களை தங்கத்தட்டில் வைத்து தாங்குவார்கள். தமிழனின் நன்றி உணர்ச்சி அளவிடற்கரியது. தன்னுடைய சொந்தக்காசை வைத்து அணை கட்டிக்கொடுத்தான் என்பதற்காகவே அவனுக்கு கோயில் கட்டி. தன் பிள்ளைகளுக்கு அவன் பெயரை வத்துக் கொண்டாடிக்கொண்டிருக்கிறான் முல்லையாற்றின் மதுரை மாவட்டத்தமிழன். நீங்கள் செய்ய வேண்டியதெல்லாம், கொந்தளிக்கப் போகும் தமிழகத்தில், மத்திய அரசு அதிகரிகளுக்கு ஒத்துழைக்க மறுப்பது, ரா, சி.பி.ஐ போன்ற அமைப்புகளைச் சேர்ந்தவர்களை உள்ளூர் மக்களுக்கு அடையாளம் காட்டுவதும்தான். இதை மட்டுமாவது செய்யுங்கள். மற்றதை மக்கள் பார்த்துக்கொள்வார்கள்.

களத்தில் நிற்கும் தமிழீழ மக்களே, விடுதைலைப்புலிகளே...

அனைத்துக்கண்களும் இப்போது முல்லைத்தீவை நோக்கி. தாய்த்தமிழகம் உணர்வுபூர்வமாக உங்கள் பக்கம்தான் நிற்கிறது. வேறு ஏதாவது செய்ய வேண்டும் எனவும் விரும்புகிறது. ஆனால் என்ன செய்வது உங்களுக்கு அமைந்தது போன்ற உன்னத தலைவன் எங்களுக்கில்லையே... ஆனால், நம்பிக்கையை மட்டும் கைவிடாதீர்கள். இதுபோன்ற கையறுகாலங்கள்தான். தமிழகத்திலிருந்து அப்படி ஒருவர் இந்தக் காலத்தில் உருவாகலாம் அதுவரை, புலிகளின் கரங்களை பலப்படுத்துங்கள். 1965ல் நடந்த இந்தி எதிர்ப்புப் போரை சில சுயநலமிகளின் கையில் ஒப்படைத்ததால்தான் தமிழக வரலாறு கற்காலத்திற்கு இழுபட்டுள்ளது. அந்தத் தவறை நீங்கள் செய்து விடாதீர்கள்.

அன்பிற்குரிய சர்வதேச சமூகமே, நம்பிக்கைகுரிய ஒபாமாவே,

உங்கள் மீது எங்களுக்கு இன்னும் நம்பிக்கை இருக்கிறது. ஆனால், இறையான்மை கொண்ட ஒரு குடியரசு தம் குடிமகனை இனஒதுக்கல் மூலமாக கொடுமைப்படுத்தாது என்பதற்கு எந்த உத்தரவாதமும் கிடையாது. வசதிக்காக அமெரிக்காவின் கடந்த காலத்தையே எடுத்துக்காட்டாக சொல்லலாம். உலகப்புகழ் பெற்ற குத்துச்சண்டை மாவீரன் முகமதலி சொன்னானே, என் சருமத்திலிருக்கும் கொஞ்ச வெண்மையும் கற்பழிப்பின் மூலமாகவே வந்திருக்குமென்று... நீங்கள் அமைதியாக இருக்கும் வரை இந்தியா வாயே திறக்காது. ஒட்டுமொத்த தமிழர்களும் அழிக்கப்பட்ட பிறகு வேண்டுமானால் அது நடக்கும். அதுவரை, இந்தியாவின் வாயைப் பார்த்துக்கொண்டிருக்கப் போகிறீர்களா? வன்னியில், விடுதலைப்புலிகளூக்கு எதிரான போர்தான் நடக்கிறது என்கிறார்கள். புலிகள் மக்களைக் கேடயமாகப் பயன்படுத்துகிறார்காள் என்கிறார்கள். அப்படியானால் அரசு சொன்ன பகுதிக்கு வந்த மக்களை ஏன் கொலை செய்தார்கள்? இது ஒன்று போதுமே, தமிழ்மக்கள் விடுதலைப்புலிகளைச் சார்ந்து நின்றாலும் சரி, இலங்கை அரசைச் சார்ந்து நின்றாலும் சரி, தமிழர்கள் என்ற காரணத்திற்காகவே அவர்கள் கொல்லப்படுகிறார்கள் என்பதற்கு. இது இனப்படுகொலை இல்லையா? இந்தியா, பாகிஸ்தான், சீனா ஆயுதம் கொடுத்தும், ஜப்பான் பணம் கொடுத்தும், கூடுதலாக, இந்தியா நாட்டாமை செய்தும் தமிழர்களைக் கொள்கின்றனரென்றால். நீங்கள் உங்கள் மெளனத்தின் மூலமாகவும், பாராமுகத்தின் மூலமாகவும் அதே கொலையைத்தான் செய்துகொண்டிருக்கிறீர்கள் என்பதை ஏன் உணரவில்லை? ஆயுதம் தாங்கி போராடுவதால் மட்டுமே யாரும் தீவிரவாதியாகிட மாட்டார்கள். அறத்திற்கே அன்பு சார்பென்ப அறியார். மறத்திற்கும் அஃதே துணை என்று பாடியுள்ளான் எங்கள் திருவள்ளூவர்.

புலிகள் ஆயுதங்களைக் கீழே போட வேண்டும் என்கிறார் ஜெயலலிதா - என்னவோ பிரச்சினையே புலிகள் ஆயுதம் அடுத்ததால்தான் வந்தது என்பதைப் போலெ.. உணமையில், புலிகள் தமிழீழ இன அழிப்பிலிருந்து உருவாகி வந்தவர்களே தவிர, காரணகர்த்தாக்கள் அல்லர்(they are not the reason: just an outcome)

இந்திய அரசு இந்தப் பிரச்சினையில் ஈடுபட்டிருப்பது வெளிப்படையாகாத வரை, இலங்கைப் பிரச்சினை உள்நாட்டுப் பிரச்சினை. அதில் தலையிட முடியாது என்றது. சீனா, பாகிஸ்தான் அமெரிக்கா போன்ற நாடுகள் இலங்கையில் ஆதிக்கம் பெறுவதைத் தடுப்பதற்காக செய்வதாகச் சொன்னது. நாடாளுமன்றத்தில் தாக்குதல் நடத்திய, மும்பை தொடர்வெடிகுண்டுகள், பிறகு அண்மையில் நடந்த தாக்குதல் எனப் பலவாறாக இந்திய மக்களைக்கொண்று குவித்த பாகிஸ்தானோடு இணைந்து கொண்டு தமிழர்களைக் கொண்று குவிக்கிறது. அப்படியானால், பாகிஸ்தானின் இந்திய மீதான பயங்கரவாதமென்பது இந்தியா-பாகிஸ்தான் இருதரப்பு அதிகார வர்க்கங்களும் தங்கள் மக்களைச் சுரண்ட பரஸ்பர புரிதலுடன் உருவாக்கிக் கொண்ட ஒன்று என்ற எம் சந்தேகம் ஒருபக்கம் இருக்க, இப்போது, விடுதலைப்புலிகள் தீவிரவாதிகள் அதனால்தான் சண்டை என்கிறது. ராஜீவ் காந்தியைக் கொன்றார்கள் என்கிறது. ராஜீவ்காந்தி ஒரு கவுன்சிலரோ, மாவட்டச் செயலாளரோ அல்ல. அவ்ரை ஏற்கனவே ஒருமுறை கொலை செய்யும் முயற்சி இலங்கையில் நடைபெற்றிருந்த போதும் அந்தக் கொலைகாரன் விசாரிக்கப்படவில்லை. ராஜீவ்காந்தியைக் கொல்ல முயன்ற அந்த சிங்கள வீரன் ஆகியோரையும் குற்றம் சாட்டப்பட்டவர்களாக இணைத்துக்கொண்டு மறுபடியும் விசாரிக்கப்பட வேண்டும் என்பது என் கோரிக்கைகளில் ஒன்று. ராஜீவ் மீது புலிகளுக்கு வருத்தம் இருந்திருக்கலாமே தவிர, கோபம் இருந்திருக்க வாய்ப்பில்லை. காரணம், ராஜீவ் இந்திராவின் புதல்வர். இந்திரா, தமிழீழத்தின் சிறுதெய்வங்களில் எம்.ஜி.ஆருக்குப் பக்கத்திலிருப்பவர்.

இந்தியா சொல்லும் காரணங்கள் அடிக்கடி மாறுவதிலிருந்தே இந்தியா நியாயத்திற்குப் புறம்பாகத்தான் இந்தப்போரில் ஈடுபட்டிருப்பது அம்பலமாகி இருக்கிறது. இப்படிப்பட்ட ஒரு சூழலில் நீங்கள் ஏன் நேரடியாகத் தலையிடக்கூடாது? புலிகள் போர்நிறுத்தத்தைப் பயன்படுத்தி ஆயுதம் குவிக்கிறார்கள் என்றது இலங்கை. சந்திரிகாவோ, ரணிலோ, மகிந்தாவோ கடந்த காலங்களில் ஒரு கடவுளாக அல்ல, மனிதர்களாகக்கூட நடந்துகொண்டதில்லை. இவர்கள் ஒரு நிர்பந்தத்தின் பெயரில் போர் நிறுத்தத்திற்கு ஒப்புக்கொண்டுவிட்டார்கள். என்பதால் மட்டுமே போராளிகள் ஆயுதங்களை ஒப்படைத்துவிட வேண்டும். புனரமைப்புப் பணிகளில் ஈடுபடக்கூடாது என்று எதிர்பார்ப்பது என்னவகை நியாயம்? தாங்கள் நேர்மையாக நடந்துகொள்வோம் என்ற நம்பிக்கையை உண்டாக்குவது மூலமாக மட்டுமே போராளிகளை-ஆயுதத்தைக் கீழே வைக்கச்செய்ய முடியும். கடந்த கால அரசுகள் எவையும் அப்படி செயல்படவில்லை. உதாரணம் ரணில்- கருணா. ஆனால், புலிகள் போர்நிறுத்தத்தைப் பயன்படுத்திக்கொண்டு செய்தது ஆயுதம் வாங்கியது மட்டுமல்ல, அது காலாகாலமாக நடப்பதுதானே- ஓர் அரசு நிர்வாகத்தையே உருவாக்கியுருக்கிறார்கள். சர்வதேசத்தின் கண்களில் இது தீவிரவாதமா? அப்பாவித்தமிழர்களைக் காப்பதற்காகத்தான் போரிடுவதாக பசப்புகிறது இந்தியா. ஆயுத தளபாடங்களும், உளவு விமானங்களும்தான் இலங்கை போகின்றனவே தவிர, இந்தியாவால் அனுப்பப்பட்ட ஒரு பாராசெட்டமால் மாத்திரையைக் காட்டச் சொல்லுங்கள் பார்க்கலாம். இந்த லட்சணத்தில், தமிழீழ மக்களுக்கான வசதிகளை இலங்கை அரசு செய்யுமாம். அதற்கு இந்தியா உதவுமாம்... வேலிக்கு ஓணான் சாட்சி! இப்போது சர்வதேச செஞ்சுலுவைச் சங்கத்தின் ஆம்புலன்ஸ்களைத் தாக்கினார்களே, அவர்களும் விடுதலைப்புலிகளா? ப்ரான்சின் 17 மனித உரிமையாளர்களைக் கொலை செய்தார்களே, அவர்களும் விடுதலைப்புலிகளா? சீனாவின் டாங்கிகள், இந்தியாவின் உளவு விமானங்கள், பாகிஸ்தானின் ஆர்டிலரிகள் மட்டுமல்ல... இப்போது எம்மக்களைக் கொலைசெய்து வருவது சர்வதேச சமூகத்தின் மெளனமும்தான் என்பதை எப்போது உணர்வீர்கள்-நியாயத்தின்பால் பெருவிருப்பு கொண்ட ஒரு மக்கள் சமூகம் பூமியிலிருந்து முற்றாகத் துடைத்தழிக்கப்பட்ட பிறகா? அபாரிஜின்கள், மாயா, இன்கா வரிசையில் நாங்களும் சேர்க்கப்படுவது உங்கள் நோக்கமென்றால், எங்கள் பழங்கதைகள் ஒன்றின்படி ஒவ்வொருநாளும் ஏதேனும் ஒரு வீட்டிலிருந்து ஒருவர் வந்து உங்கள் முன்னால் தற்கொலை செய்து கொள்கிறோம்... எங்கள் சகோதரிகளையும், குழந்தைகளையும் விட்டுவிட்டுச் சொல்லுங்கள். தாங்க முடியவில்லை. அவர்களெல்லாம் மனமார சிரிப்பதை ஒருநாள் பார்ப்போம் என்ற நம்பிக்கையில்தான் நாங்கள் போராடிக் கொண்டிருப்பதே. ஒரு பேச்சுக்கு ஒத்துக்கொள்வதென்றாலும்கூட, விடுதலைப்புலிகள் தண்டிக்கப்பட வேண்டியவர்கள் என்றாலும் அப்படி ஒரு தண்டனையை வழங்கும் யோக்கியதை இந்தியாவுக்கோ, இலங்கைக்கோ கிடையாது.
காலம் கடந்து வழங்கப்படும் நீதி அநீதியைவிடக் கொடுமையானது.

1. இந்தியா உடனடியாக தமிழீழத்தின் பகுதிகளிலிருந்து தன் துருப்புகளைத் திரும்பப் பெற்றுக்கொள்வதோடு, மேற்கொண்டு செயற்கைக்கோள் உதவிகள், ராடார் போன்ற உதவிகளைச் செய்யக்கூடாதென்று சர்வதேச சமூகத்தால் கண்டிக்கப்பட வேண்டும். இலங்கையோடு இந்தியா அரசு நடந்தும் முக்கியத்துவமற்ற பேச்சுப்பரிமாற்றங்கள்கூட சர்வதேச சமூகம் மூலமாகவே நடக்க வேண்டும். தமிழக மக்களிடமும், உலகெங்கும் பரந்து வாழும் தமிழீழத்தாரிடமும் இந்தியா பகிரங்க மன்னிப்பு கோர வேண்டும்.

2. ஐநா பொதுச்செயலாளரான பான் கி மூன், தொடர்ந்து தன் தாயகமான சீனாவிற்கு ஆதரவான நிலைப்பாட்டிலிருந்து, ஒருதலைப்பட்சமாக செயல்பட்டு வருவதால், ஈழம் தொடர்பான முடிவெடுக்கும் அதிகாரம் அவருக்கு வழங்கப்படக்கூடாது.

3. இலங்கை அரசு எந்தெந்த நாடுகளிடமெல்லாம் கோரப்பட்டு புலிகள்மீது தடை விதிக்கப்பட்டதோ அந்தந்த நாடுகளில் புலிகள் மீதான தடை நீக்கப்பட்டு, தடை செய்யப்பட்ட அமைப்பின் உறுப்பினர் என்ற குற்றத்திற்காக சிறையிலிருக்கும் அதன் உறுப்பினர்கள் எதுவித நிபந்தனையுமற்று உடனடியாக விடுதலை செய்யப்பட வேண்டும்.

4. புலிகளின் உறுப்பினர்கள் மீதான பாஸ்போர்ட் தொடர்பான குற்றங்கள் மன்னிக்கப்பட்டு, அவர்கள் விடுதலை செய்யப்பட வேண்டும்.

5. புலிகளோடு தொடர்புடையது என்னும் குற்றச்சாட்டின் பேரில் தடை செய்யப்பட தொழில் நிறுவனங்களின் உரிமம் மீண்டும் அளிக்கப்படுவதோடு, தக்க நட்ட ஈடும் வழங்கப்பட வேண்டும்.

6. ராஜீவ்காந்தி கொலை வழக்கு இண்டர்போலால் விசாரிக்கப்பட்டு, உண்மையான குற்றவாளிகள் இனம்காணப்பட வேண்டும்.

7. பிரணாப் முகர்ஜி, கோத்தபாய ராஜபக்க்ஷே, சந்திரிகா, உதயணகார, கேகலிய ரம்புக்வெல, பசில்ராஜப்க்ஷ மகிந்த, பொன்சேகா போன்றோர் நார்கோ அனிலிசிஸ் சோதனைக்குப்பட வேண்டும்.

8.அமைக்கப்படபோகிற தமிழீழத்தை அங்கீகரிக்கிற உரிமையை மட்டுகே சர்வதேசம் மேற்கொள்ளலாமே தவிர, அது யாரின் தலைமையில் அமையவேண்டும என்பதை தமிழீன மக்கள் தான் முடிவுசெய்வார்கள்

9. புலிகள் கை பலவீனமான நேரத்தில், மலையக மக்கள் மீது நடந்த வந் தாக்குதல், எதிர்காலத்தில் அப்பகுதிகளில் மீண்டும் ஒரு பாரிய இன அழிவு ஏற்படுத்தப்படுமோ என்ற அச்சத்தை ஏற்படுத்தியிருப்பதால், மலையக மக்கள் தமிழீழத்தோடு இணைய விரும்புகிறார்களா என்பதை வாக்கெடுப்பு மூலம் அறிந்து அதன்படி செயல்பட வேண்டும் இந்த விசயத்தில் மலையக மக்களின் முடிவே இறுதியானது.

10. சென்னையில், குடிபோதையில் அப்பாவித் தமிழர்கள் மீது துப்பாக்கிப் பிரயோகம் செய்து, நீதிமன்றத்தால் தண்டிக்கப்பட்ட டக்ளஸ் தேவானந்தாவின் தண்டணைக்காலம் பூர்த்தியாகும் காலத்திற்கும் இலங்கைக்குத் தப்பிச்சென்று விட்டதால், அவர் கைது செய்யப்பட்டு, தமிழக போலிசார் வசம் ஒப்படைக்கப்பட வேண்டும்.

11. பத்திரிகையாளரான லசந்தவின் கொலைக்குக் காரணமான அனைவரும் தண்டிக்கப்பட வேண்டும்.

12. தமிழ்நாட்டிற்கு தஞ்சம் புகுந்திருக்கும் சிங்கள பத்திரிகையாளர்களுக்கு தகுந்த பாதுகாப்பு வழங்கப்பட வேண்டும்.

13.தமிழ்நாட்டிற்கு அகதிகளோடு அகதியாக வந்த சிங்களத்தம்பதியர் மீதான பாஸ்போர்ட் குற்றச்சாட்டு நீக்கப்பட்டு, அவர்களும் அகதிகளாக அங்கீகரிக்கப்பட வேண்டும்.

14. சுட்டுக் கொலை செய்யப்பட்ட தமிழக மீனவர்களின் குடும்பங்களுக்கான வாழ்வாதரங்கள் உறுதி செய்யப்பட வேண்டும்.

என்றும் அன்புடன்,

அநீதிகளுக்கெதிரான உங்கள் சகோதரன்,

கு.முத்துக்குமார், கொளத்தூர், சென்னை-99

அருமைத்தமழ் மக்களே, அநீதிகளுக்கெதிரான போராட்டத்தில் நம் சகோதர்களும், பிள்ளைகளும் அறிவாயுதம் ஏந்தியிருக்கிறார்கள். நான் உயிராயுதம் ஏந்தியிருக்கிறேன். நீங்கள் நகலாயுதம் ஏந்துங்கள். ஆம், உங்கள் கையில் கிடைத்திருக்கும் இந்தத் துண்டறிக்கையை நகலெடுத்து, உங்கள் நண்பர்கள், உறவினர்கள், மாணவர்கள் வசம் கொடுத்து, போராட்டத்திற்கான ஆதரவைப் பெருகப் பண்ணுங்கள் நன்றி.

தமிழ் ஓவியா சொன்னது :
முத்துக் குமாரின் உணர்வை மதிக்கிறேன். அதே வெளை இது போன்ற குறிப்பாக தீக்குளிப்பு போன்ற போராடங்கள் தேவையில்லாதது. அருள்கூர்ந்து யோசித்து மாற்றுப் போரட்ட வடிவத்தை கையிலெடுங்கள்.

இது குறித்து தி.க.தலைவர். கி.வீரமணி அவர்கள் விடுத்துள்ள செய்தி இதோ:

"அந்தோ! கொடுமை! கொடுமை!! ஈழத் தமிழர் பிரச்சினை:
சென்னையில் இளைஞர் தீக்குளித்து மரணம்

தற்கொலைப் போராட்டத்தைக் கைவிட்டு
அறப்போர்பற்றி சிந்தியுங்கள்!

தமிழர் தலைவர் கி. வீரமணி அன்பு வேண்டுகோள்

ஈழத் தமிழர் படுகொலையைத் தடுக்க வேண்டி மாணவர்கள் உண்ணாவிரதம் போன்ற அறப்போர்களில் ஈடுபட்டதைத் தாண்டி, இன்று சென்னை சாஸ்திரி பவன் முன்பு தூத்துக்குடியைச் சேர்ந்த முத்துக்குமார் என்பவர் தனக்குத்தானே தீக்குளித்து இறந்து விட்டார் என்ற செய்தி மிகுந்த வேதனைக்குரியது; ஆழ்ந்த துன்பத்தைத் தருவது.

இந்தியப் பேரரசு இதுபோன்ற கொடுமைகள் நடக்காவண்ணம் மேலும் போர் நிறுத்தத்திற்கு வற்புறுத்த முன்வாருங்கள்.

ஈழத் தமிழர் படுகொலையைத் தடுக்க இங்குள்ள நாம் உயிர்த் தியாகம் செய்வது என்பதனால் முழுப் பயன் அடைந்து விட முடியாது. நாம் அனைவரும் ஒன்றுபட்டு போராடிட உயிருடன் இருப்பது அவசியமாகும்.

எனவே, மாணவத் தோழர்களே, இளைஞர்களே அருள்கூர்ந்து இம்மாதிரி தற்கொலைப் போராட்ட முயற்சியைக் கைவிட்டு, வேறு ஆக்க ரீதியான அறப்போர்கள் பற்றி சிந்தியுங்கள் என்று அன்புடனும், உரிமையுடன் மாணவத் தோழர்களை வேண்டிக் கேட்டுக் கொள்கிறோம்.

———நன்றி "விடுதலை" 29-1-2009


சாகின்றாய்.. தமிழா சாகின்றாய்....

உன்னை சாகச் செய்வானை சாகச் செய்யாமல்


தமிழா சாகின்றாய்....


Death anniversary today:

Mahatma Gandhi’s weapon was Satyagraha


Mahatma Gandhiji’s technique of spirituality in action and his teachings will undoubtedly redeem millions of people from violent, hatred, fear and tension.

Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi appeared on the political scene in 1915 accordingly and reverentially hailed as the ‘Father of the Nation’ He played a very important and crucial role to India’s attainment of independence in August 1947.

Mahatma Gandhi

The briefless barrister as he was once called at the time of his journey to South Africa, he had a special role to play in the country. He returned to India at a time when the country in general and the Indian National Congress in particular needed very much his valued guidance, wise counsel and astute leadership. He did not fail the party nor the country.

The weapon adopted by Gandhi was Satyagraha and through civil disobedience and peaceful non-co-operation he completely unsettled the mighty British Empire which was ruling the country for more than a century. The peaceful non-violence methods adopted by Gandhi disarmed the British rulers.

In fact, Mahatma Gandhi was fundamentally incomprehensible to the supercilious high brow western intellectuals who were blatantly boastful of their superior civilization which precariously and perilously plunged the whole nation into the vortex of nuclear disaster.

Mahatma Gandhi had the nobility to handsomely acknowledge the virtue of those who differed. He never forgot that his detractors were made of the same flesh and blood and endowed with the same instincts and passions, hopes and aspirations. He knew the art of differing without bitterness.

Talks between Gandhi and Lord Irwin the Viceroy took place in New Delhi in 1931. Winston Churchill did not like it at all. He was revolted by the nauseating and humiliating spectacles of this one time Inner Temple lawyer, now a seditious Fakir, striding half naked up the steps of the viceroy’s palace to negotiate and parley an equal terms and with the representative of the King Emperor.

When Gandhi heard about this, he wrote a delightful rejoinder, “you are reported to have expressed the desire to crush the Naked Fakir as you are said to have described me. I have been long trying to be a Fakir and that too naked, a more difficult task. I therefore regard the expression as a compliment though unintentional”.

On another occasion there was a debate between Rabindranath Tagore and Gandhi on the meaning of culture. Tagore expressed great joy and satisfaction he derived from the beauty of nature and art, the glories of dawn, dusk, the procession of season, the freshness of trees and flowers.

In reply Gandhi said that “it is good enough to talk of God, the beauties of the nature and art while we are sitting here after a nice breakfast and looking forward to a nice lunch. But, how am I to talk of God to millions who have to go without one meal a day.”

The communal virus took such deep roots that Gandhi was considered more a hindrance to one section of the people. A fanatic took an unusual course. A plot was hatched and it was carried out at the last prayer meeting to be addressed by Gandhi on Friday, January 30, 1948. Nathu Ram Vinayak Godse came very close to Gandhi, greeted him with folded hands and then pulled out a revolver and shot at him from close and point blank range.

This sad news conveyed to the country by Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru. He went on National Radio shortly after the bullets struck and speaking extemporaneously with tears and emotions he said, “The light has gone out of our lives and there is darkness everywhere and I do not quite know what to tell you and how to say it. Our beloved leader Balu as we called him, the father of our nation is no more.”

Nehru further said: “the light that shone in this country was no ordinary light. The light that has illuminated this country for many more years and thousand years later that this light will be seen in this country and the world will see it and it will give solace to innumerable hearts.

Indeed, Mahatma Gandhi was the spokesman for the conscience of all mankind.

Thursday, January 29, 2009


Save Us from Genocide!!!

An English Teacher from Puthukkudiyiruppu writes to Navaneetham Pillai, UN Human Rights Commissioner!

As Sri Lankan government forces continue to bomb the civilian population in Vanni, an English school teacher from that area in an urgent letter to Ms Navaneetham Pillai, UN High Commissioner for Human Rights has appealed to save the people of Vanni from genocide. "I make this appeal in extreme desperation and as a final resort when hope is fading from our Tamil people. From hearing your comments regarding the war in Gaza over the radio, I understand that your compassion is with the suffering people and you may make a similar effort to save us" S. Thanachchelvi, an English school teacher from Puthukkudiyiruppu, Mullaitivu wrote in her letter.
"I am an English school teather in the Vanni in Sri Lanka and I Have experienced the most brutal effects of the government�s war first hand. Witnessing school children being injured daily from the very early stages of the war, I am sad to say that the fear ruling our people and the gruesome effects of this war has become extremely worse with no signs of change coming in the near future. I fear, as do the people, that any further delay in receiving help from the outside world will allow too much more loss of lives and then it may be too late to restore the peace and stability of the Tamil people in our homeland," Thanachchelvi said.

The letter further said:

In the beginning we brought children outside the classroom and taught them under the shelter of trees as aerial bombing was targeting schools. We had to ensure that there were bunkers close to the school areas so that we may protect all at an instant. But as the army was coming closer, bombing larger areas and shelling randomly we are forced to be constantly running with no place being safe for civilians.

Children have stopped schooling, some have been left orphaned with nobody to care for them and we all on the move with families, displacing every few days. We have lost most of our possessions and many loved ones. The army has no mercy and has increased their shelling on us. We are afraid to steep at night. They have been using what we hear are called cluster bombs which are unheardly fierce. People have died in front of our eyes and we are forced to run away while trying to help the injured as firing and shelling is so aggressive.

We have no food and there are no more NGO's except for the ICRC and TRO helping us. Even this help is not enough as there are so many people within a small area and no easy access to them. Our hospitals are being bombed and we have limited medical supplies. Those who suffer from injuries cannot survive waiting for ambulances and care.

There is no media to tell our sufferings to and the world does not see us dying in numbers everyday. We desperately need this war to stop. Please take some effort to help stop this killing of the innocent people. The army will not rest until there is no more place for us to run and then until there are none of us left. I humbly ask this, on behalf of a crying nation.

Yours Sincerely
Thanachchelvi .S
Puthukkudiyiruppu, Mullaitivu District
Sri Lanka

The letter by courtesy. TamilSydney

Tuesday, January 27, 2009


Mahatma Gandhi

Jawaharlal Nehru

Politics, ethics and democracy

Democracy is at stake if the loudest voice counts as the voice of wisdom or when coercive pressures take the place of reason and persuasion

Democracy was never alien to India. In fact, India could be considered to have been the cradle of democracy. The roots of Indian democracy can be traced back to as early as the Vedic age.

There was a time when India was studded with republics. Even where there were monarchies, they were either elected or limited. They had to function in accordance with dharma, or the rule of law.

Pali texts provide interesting details of how the assemblies of republics in the post-Vedic period functioned like parliaments and followed highly sophisticated procedures. However, the parliamentary system in its modern connotation owes its origin and growth to India's British connection for some two centuries.

The Indian Independence Act, 1947, provided for the setting up of two dominions of India and Pakistan with effect from August 15, 1947. It was, according to Lord Samuel, "an event unique in history - a treaty of peace without war."

The Founding Fathers of the Constitution chose the system of representative parliamentary democracy with universal adult franchise. Freedom brings responsibility. Building on the traditions of the national movement, Indian leaders strengthened the foundations of democracy in the country by the manner of their functioning. They gave due importance to the institutional aspects of the democratic system and adhered not only to the forms of democratic institutions and procedures but also the spirit.

From an electorate of around 173 million in 1951 when India went to the polls for the first time under the Constitution, the number of electors swelled to nearly 672 million in 2004.

The fair and peaceful conduct of elections periodically with a large turn-out of voters, especially of the rural folk and women, and the participation of all groups with differing ideology and religious faith, is an indication of the acceptance of the framework of the Constitution and the growing political awareness among the people. India is the largest democracy in the world.

These elections have demonstrated that the democratic urge is very deep-rooted among the people of India and their faith in a constitutional system of government very strong.

Jawaharlal Nehru was quite amazed at democracy functioning so successfully in India. On the last day of the second Lok Sabha, he could say with some satisfaction on the floor of the House: "Democracy... is the hallmark of India at present. But democracy does not consist of 210 million people voting.

Democracy, ultimately, is a way of life, a way of reacting to circumstances, a way of thinking and a way of putting with the things we dislike even. And I think we have done fairly well... and considering the state of the world today when every other day we read bout coup d' etats in various countries, it is surprising how we have carried on in our normal way."

If we are to live in peace and happiness, every nation, community, and the individual must envision universal and humanitarian ideals and must strive to practise them in thought, speech and action. Religion and even politics must be founded on moral and spiritual fundamentals. In ancient India, politics was regarded as a branch of ethics. Peace, justice and liberty for all were the prime purposes of politics.

Mahatma Gandhi recommended that politics should be a branch of ethics. While there has been considerable progress on the economic front, there has been regression of the values in the society and devaluation of the institutions.

The expectation at the time of Independence that public men would sacrifice their personal interest for public welfare has not been fulfilled. Mahatma Gandhi did not want the constructive workers, the men and women who had directed the several organisations over the years to remove untouchability, extend basic education, improve food cultivation, develop village industries and encourage hand spinning, to go into power politics. That would, he felt, spell ruin.

Democracy is at stake if the loudest voice counts as the voice of wisdom or when coercive pressures take the place of reason and persuasion. Referring to his tours, especially concerned with the general elections that were approaching at that time, Nehru wrote: "Elections were an inseparable part of the democratic process and there was no way of doing away with them.

Yet, often enough, elections bring out the evil side of man and they do not always lead to the success of the better man."

In his address on October 18, 1951, Nehru laid great emphasis on the importance of the right means to achieve right ends. He said: "... [I]f in our eagerness to win the elections, we compromise with something that is wrong, then we have lost the fight already and it matters little who tops the poll..."

(Naresh Gupta is an Indian Administrative Service officer serving as Chief Electoral Officer, Tamil Nadu.)

Courtesy: The Hindu

Wednesday, January 21, 2009


Conflict of courage and cowardice

My dear Mahinda Aiya,

Ayubown, vanakkam, assalamu alaikkum and congratulations on the commanding heights reached by the military on the battle front, though opposition critics accuse the government of abusing the military success and sacrifices for personal gain or glory at the up coming provincial elections.

According to latest reports, intense battles are continuing with heavy casualty tolls, while government leaders or spokesmen are expressing confidence in a total victory by Independence Day February 4 or Provincial Council Election Day February 14. The main opposition UNP, the JVP and other parties while hailing the military triumphs and the brave troops are accusing the government of misusing the victory over terrorism for election purposes or to cover up attacks of on human and democratic rights including media freedom. The UNP and other opposition parties have formed a joint front to launch a full scale campaign against what they see as the intensifying moves to suppress media freedom. This comes in the wake of the daylight slaying of The Sunday Leader’s courageous editor-in-chief Lasantha Wickrematunge.

He was killed on January 8 by four gunmen, in a high security zone close to the Sri Lanka Air Force’s Ratmalana base. Ten days after the slaying of the brave and high profile editor, police as usual have made little progress in tracking down the killers. The epitaph written by Mr. Wickrematunge before his death and published in the newspaper on January 11 has become a worldwide hit with millions of people reportedly reading it on the website. Speaking at Mr. Wickrematunge’s funeral last Monday SLFP (M) leader Mangala Samaraweera said at least two more well-known journalists were leaving the country following the killing of the outspoken editor. On Wednesday Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa in a long interview telecast live on several channels accused the MTV/Sirasa of being a voice of the Tigers. He hit out particularly of MTV channel 1 chief Chevan Daniel, accusing him of being a Tiger and threatening to put him in jail. Amid wide speculation Mr. Daniel went missing from that night and some reports say he also has left the country. The CID Chief told a Sunday newspaper that his detectives were looking for Mr. Daniel to question him. But The Sunday Times in its political column quoted President Mahinda Rajapaksa as saying he knew nothing about plans to arrest the MTV channel 1 chief.

Mangala Samaraweera also told a news conference on Wednesday that he would be going to the United States soon to tell new President Barack Obama and Secretary of State Hillary Clinton that an American citizen was planning a coup in Sri Lanka. This set off speculation, rumours and a guessing game as to who this American citizen is.

As the battles on the Northern front reached a climax , The Sunday Times in its front page lead story, highlighted another bombshell – the looming economic crisis.

According to independent economists, Sri Lanka’s foreign exchange reserves have plunged to an all time low and are sufficient for only another six weeks, while the basic minimum should be two months. The economists believe, the government has two options to overcome the crisis – a 20 per cent devaluation which means a US dollar would cost about Rs.130 or to accept an IMF bailout package which might include conditions such as privatization of state enterprises. But the Central Bank and its controversial Governor Ajith Nivaard Cabraal appear to be confident that Sri Lanka could would deal with the situation. They seem to be placing their bets on a different bailout package – raising about 500 million US dollars from Sri Lankans working overseas. This will be launched on February 4 apparently tapping into the patriotic fervour of some one million Sri Lankans working overseas. Government leaders or Central Bank officials are likely to go to some of the countries where hundreds of thousands of Sri Lankans are working to add fuel to this fund.

Another vital issue in the headlines last week was the visit of India’s Foreign Secretary Shiv Shankar Menon. The Foreign Ministry gave various reasons but a Sunday newspaper said Mr. Menon had told a TNA delegation he had come to reiterate India’s call for a political solution based on the 13th Amendment to the Constitution. While government leaders were saying different things about Mr. Menon’s visit, the JVP came out with all guns ablaze accusing India of arm-twisting Sri Lanka, and attacking the government for bowing to Indian pressure.

The crisis within crisis, conflict within conflict and horse deals within jack boots continue with the added mystery as to who is planning a coup against whom as a former editor said in a tribute to Lasantha Wickrematunge the four motorcyclists who killed The Sunday Leader Editor portrayed the imagery of the four horsemen in the story of the apocalypse and we need to read the signs of the times. The end time story of the apocalypse concludes with a word Maranatha. Whatever that may sound like in Sinhala, the meaning in the Aramaic language of the apocalypse is the hope that at least the Wickrematunge family is clinging to. Brave crusaders like Lasantha die but once. Cowards and sanctimonious humbugs die many times before their deaths. Yours sincerely,


Monday, January 19, 2009



The government's message of military success in the war against the LTTE is getting worldwide attention. Journalists from around the world have recently been finding Sri Lanka to be an interesting story to cover. The prestigious Wall Street Journal published in the United States has offered Sri Lanka as evidence that a military solution to conflicts is possible. In an editorial, it has said that "For those who argue that there is no military solution for terrorism, we have two words: Sri Lanka." Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa has disclosed that international leaders have praised Sri Lanka's army commander as the best in the world and that foreign military powers are looking to Sri Lanka for lessons in military success.
Although relatively small and distant from the power centres of the world, Sri Lanka has frequently been an object of international scrutiny for the best of reasons. In the 1960s and 70s, the country was studied on account of its social welfare system that enabled the people to enjoy a quality of life that exceeded its relatively low per capita income. However, after 1980 international attention, turned less favourable with the rise of the ethnic conflict. The flow of refugees abroad and reports of human rights abuses involving the ethnic minority made Sri Lanka's reputation fall in the estimation of the international community.

The peace process of 2002 once again propelled Sri Lanka into the favourable attention of the world. It seemed for a while that Sri Lanka provided a model of conflict resolution with international third party mediation playing a key role. Former Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe is one of the few leaders in the world at the present time who has risked his political future on a peaceful resolution of a long standing conflict. If this brave experiment had succeeded, the world might today be a better place, with more emphasis given to non-violent means of conflict resolution. Those who speak and write in praise of the military solution often ignore the terrible costs it imposes on the people, both in the short and longer terms, and by suppressing the need for a just and equitable political solution.


Today, one of the stories doing the rounds in conservative circles in the world, epitomized by the Wall Street Journal, is that of the effectiveness of military solutions. Military solutions are popular with those who are powerful, because it means that they do not need to change. The other, who challenges, is destroyed, so there is no more need to change. The stakes are high. A new US president is about to deliver on his pledge to give a new direction to his country in both its domestic and foreign policy. There is anticipation that the Obama Administration will be more inclined to peaceful ways of conflict resolution than its predecessor. Secretary of State Hilary Clinton has said that not all terrorists are the same, and some have legitimate causes on which basis they fight.

Sri Lanka has become thrust on the international scene as an ideological support to those who believe in military solutions to terrorism. It is used to justify the Israeli military incursion into Gaza and the continuing US battle to subdue the Taliban in Afghanistan. However, many of those who praise the Sri Lankan government for its military success seem to be glossing over its high economic and human costs. The economy is in the doldrums, affecting all sections of the population, even though the majority appears to be acquiescing in these costs for the sake of a final victory over terrorism. Most government spokespersons claim, both to the domestic and international media, that the military operations have been clean with relatively few civilian casualties. But those on the ground contend that the reality is otherwise.

The Bishop of Jaffna, Thomas Savundaranayagam has recently made an appeal to the International Committee of the Red Cross and to other humanitarian organisations to open a safe corridor for the civilian population to flee the battle zones of the north. He has written, "The security forces have captured and taken over Dharmapuram on the A35 road, and they are pressing towards Puthukuduyirippu from the west. And the security forces are also advancing from south of Oddusudan. Hundreds of people are trapped between Visvamadu and Puthukuduyirippu. Many people are dying or seriously getting wounded during this confrontation from aerial bombings and firing from artillery shells." The Bishop's words contradict the government claim of a clean war and need to be taken notice of and acted upon.


For its part, the government has invited the trapped civilians of the north to come over to government controlled areas and has prepared places for them, even if their suitability is in question. But, the LTTE has been preventing the people from leaving, even at gunpoint it is reported. If the people remain in those areas, they can be used as human shields and as a pool for forcible recruitment by the LTTE. While offering his services and those of his priests for the task of evacuating the people, Bishop Savundaranayagam has said that "our inactivity at this time will merit the blame of the world, that the UN agencies just watched when innocent internally displaced persons were being killed in the Wanni."

When fighting in the north commenced several months ago, the government issued a directive to all international humanitarian organisations to leave those areas. The only international organization that was permitted to remain was the ICRC, which has a mandate that calls for strict confidentiality of their findings. As a result, there are no independent international witnesses in the northern battle zones who could give credible information to the international media. It also leaves the ICRC to undertake by themselves a humanitarian task of enormous proportions that they are not equipped to handle alone.

As the war comes to its possibly final and most costly stage, it is incumbent on the government to demonstrate genuine concern for the trapped people of the northern battle zones. Such evidence of concern will do much to facilitate reconciliation and a political solution in the future. Every effort needs to be taken to persuade the LTTE to permit the people to leave for safer places through the establishment of a humanitarian corridor. The government has recently banned the LTTE for the very reason of its refusal to let the people leave. But, the government needs to consider permitting international humanitarian organisations to open up lines of communication with the LTTE for the purpose of safeguarding the lives of the trapped people of the Wanni. Even a government that has given priority to a military solution, and won international recognition for it, ought to give deference to humanitarian requirements. If the truth is known, the people of the world will agree.