Unending End Game
By Dr. Pakiasothy Saravanamuthu
The end game is not ending. It is being drawn out with an ever increasing toll to the lives and suffering of the civilian population estimated by the UN and the international agencies to be 200,000 and by the Government of Sri Lanka (GOSL) at 70,000.
According to UN Under Secretary General for Humanitarian Affairs and UN Relief Coordinator, Sir John Holmes who recently visited Sri Lanka, in his statement to the UN Security Council on February 27, 'the number of casualties from the fighting, among whom we believe are many civilians, cannot be verified in the absence of independent sources, since humanitarian agencies and the media have no access to the area, but we believe dozens of people per day at least are being killed and many more wounded.' (Emphasis added)
In recent days the international community has repeated its calls for a pause in the hostilities to allow for the evacuation of civilians. This requires the agreement of both sides and is not forthcoming. The government will deal with the LTTE on the basis of surrender and the LTTE adamantly refuses to do so even though it is abundantly clear that they have suffered a devastating conventional military defeat.
Despicable logic
The grim and despicable logic of the LTTE seems to be one of simply raising the costs of war even though the outcome in military terms is a foregone conclusion. That the civilians are being used as human shields and that some have been shot and killed for attempting to escape is beyond dispute from all the accounts that have eked out of this otherwise "hermetically sealed" conflict in terms of information and reportage.
The entrapment of the civilians at present is tantamount to the LTTE serving them up as human sacrifices in order to reinforce the argument internationally, of war crimes by the Sri Lankan government and of humanitarian catastrophe.
The argument will still be made that there are civilians in the Wanni who are there on their own volition and will not move out for a variety of reasons including support of the LTTE and a "Masada type" last stand, the desire to stay with their family members who are LTTE cadres and fear of the reception they will be accorded by the government if they do leave.
Free to go
Whatever credence is given to this argument and it cannot be dismissed out of hand, the point is that even it is a minority of those trapped in the Wanni who want to move out and escape the horrific suffering they are being subjected to, they must be allowed to do so. The charge of crimes against humanity cuts both ways and the LTTE leadership must realise that they cannot escape it.
The violations of international humanitarian law and the laws of war are by no means one sided. Whilst it is necessary, correct and safer and non-controversial to slam the LTTE for its barbaric excesses, the GOSL has yet to convincingly rebut the charges that its artillery has hit medical facilities, civilians within and outside the no fire zone and that its strategy in the face of the humanitarian catastrophe in the Wanni is driven by military considerations to the point that it is better described as one of elimination of the LTTE and its support base, rather than one of containment which accords civilian protection the priority it deserves and demands in these and all other circumstances.
Flawed argument
The argument that the forces have to respond to LTTE firing surely does not hold when it is known that such a response will result in civilian deaths and injuries, given the space and the number of people trapped within it? Sir John Holmes in his statement to the Security Council pointed out:
The government has assured me at every level that they have virtually stopped using heavy weapons because of their recognition of the need to spare the civilian population, who are of course their own citizens. It remains unclear how far this is the case in reality. (Emphasis added).
And surely any strategy of maintaining the level of hostilities and the inadequacy of food and essential supplies to the point that the civilians will be compelled to "make a dash" of it en masse, is an egregious affront to the noblest traditions of the land and to universal norms and standards of civilised behaviour in this day and age.
Lasting consequences
How the end game ends will have lasting consequences for peace, unity and reconciliation in Sri Lanka. It must already scar the memory of the civilians trapped there as an unimaginably awful collective punishment. The government and the LTTE must hold back from slaughter and civilian sacrifice and let the people come out into safety and security.
The latter responsibility rests with the government and here the assurances given to Sir John Holmes in respect of minimum international and national standards must be upheld. Independent monitoring of this is essential and crucial in this respect is the unrestricted access of the international humanitarian actors to the civilians.
Assurances were given to Sir John Holmes on these and other issues. He told the Security Council:
'.I urged the government to move swiftly to eliminate progressively the military presence inside the IDP sites, and to ensure increasing freedom of movement for the IDPs. I also raised specific concerns with the government about the transparency of the initial security processes and about cases of family separation, and stressed the need for enhanced monitoring by the ICRC and the UNHCR.
'I was assured by the government that UNHCR can be present during the screening as displaced leave the Wanni area, and that the government will soon complete the registration of existing IDPs and distribute temporary ID cards, which will help allow increasing freedom of movement. I understand that IDPs over 60 years of age have already been allowed to move out of the IDP sites to stay with relatives outside the camps where possible.'
Assured
Sir John also raised the issue and was assured by the GOSL that IDPs would be allowed to return to their places of origin as soon as possible - a goal of return of 80% of the IDPs by the end of the year was identified, once de-mining was completed.
How much of this has commenced and what is the demonstrable progress that can be recorded?
Bad faith in respect of all of this will guarantee protracted conflict. The absolutely urgent and pressing need is to end the horror of entrapment in the Wanni.
thesundayleader.lk
Sunday, March 8, 2009
A PAKISTANI DRIVER WHO SAVED SL-PLAYERS!!! HIS FAVOURITE: MUTHTHIAH MURALITHARAN'S GIFTS!!!
Mehar Mohammad Khalil: A hero across borders
Exclusive
By Aamna Mahboob
LAHORE: Mehar Mohammad Khalil’s job was to drive buses. Today he is being hailed as a lifesaver after he drove the bus carrying the Sri Lankan cricketers to safety, through a hail of gunfire on Tuesday.
Khalil, the bus driver who saved the lives of the Sri Lankan cricket team during the terror attack is now considered a big hero in Pakistan and Sri Lanka. Khalil kept a cool head and drove the bus to safety when it came under gunfire, grenade and rocket attack from terrorists.
His routine while the visiting team was in Pakistan was to get up at 6 in the morning, and take the team daily from the hotel to the stadium. He was usually busy with the guest team members, till late at night.
The night before the attack he had decided to stay at the hotel instead of going home as he usually did. “The previous morning I decided I would stay in the hotel that night, as I get home late and felt I didn’t get enough sleep as I had to report for duty early in the morning,” Khalil told The Sunday Times in an interview in Lahore on Friday.
The man of the hour. AFP
Khalil had 22 years of driving experience and had worked as a bus diver for many VIP’s and foreign visiting teams. He said he even had the honour of driving Prince Charles on his visit to Pakistan during President Musharraf’s era. “I have driven many foreign delegations especially sports delegations,” he said.
Re-living Tuesday’s incident he said, he was turning the bus towards the Gaddafi stadium near the main roundabout (Liberty roundabout in Lahore) when he heard what he first thought were some firecrackers going off. But when he saw the elite force cars in front of him getting hit he realized it was gunfire and not firecrackers. The next thing he knew was a rocket being fired at them but it missed the bus and hit an electric pole, after which all hell broke loose. He said, “Suddenly I lost my voice.”
“However, I gained courage when I realized that the other elite car was giving the bus cover. I started thinking and decided to drive off from there,” he said.
He said he kept his foot pressed on the pedal as bullets ripped into the vehicle and explosions filled the air. “My only thought at that time was that the Sri Lankans were guests of my country and its image would be ruined if any of the players got seriously injured. This gave me the courage to drive into the stadium.”
“If we had stopped, a rocket would have hit us. The situation was very dangerous and I thought we might survive so let me try and save my guests,” he said adding that the road ahead of him was clear and it was easy for him to drive straight into the stadium.
Giving his views on the attackers who created horror and put a black mark on Pakistan’s image he said, “they were skilled and knew what they wanted. God was with us. They threw a grenade under the bus which exploded after the bus had passed over it.”
Khalil 42 said he had developed a good rapport with the players. “The players were very friendly. When terror struck, they showed quick sense of reaction and saved themselves by falling flat on the floor of the bus as heavy firing erupted from both sides of the bus.
Although hailing from a cricket-crazy city, he personally wasn’t a cricket enthusiast. “I like football and hockey because they finish within one or one and half hours. I don’t have much time to watch games,” Khalil said.
Khalil, a father of four, the eldest of whom is studying in class 5 said his family means a lot to him but at the time of the attack all he thought of was protecting the innocent Sri Lankan players and the image of his country.
“Almighty Allah gave me courage and strength to protect the players and I did it for Pakistan,” he said.
Much has been said and written about the security lapses but Khalil says that the security was sufficient. “When you suddenly get attacked you need time to react. No place on earth is safe however tight the security maybe,” he said.
Khalil believes the cowardly act was not carried out by Pakistanis but feels that a foreign hand was behind it. He praised the discipline of the Lankan team when under attack. He said he felt particularly honoured when his favourite Sri Lankan player Muttiah Muralitharan gave him his T-shirt and cap at the airport when they were leaving. The other players too spoke to him and thanked him for his act of bravery.
“When I heard later that Sri Lankans are calling me their hero I was amazed” he said, adding that he would love to visit Sri Lanka one day.
(The writer was formerly a journalist attached to The Sunday Times. She is now in Pakistan)
sundaytimes,lk
Exclusive
By Aamna Mahboob
LAHORE: Mehar Mohammad Khalil’s job was to drive buses. Today he is being hailed as a lifesaver after he drove the bus carrying the Sri Lankan cricketers to safety, through a hail of gunfire on Tuesday.
Khalil, the bus driver who saved the lives of the Sri Lankan cricket team during the terror attack is now considered a big hero in Pakistan and Sri Lanka. Khalil kept a cool head and drove the bus to safety when it came under gunfire, grenade and rocket attack from terrorists.
His routine while the visiting team was in Pakistan was to get up at 6 in the morning, and take the team daily from the hotel to the stadium. He was usually busy with the guest team members, till late at night.
The night before the attack he had decided to stay at the hotel instead of going home as he usually did. “The previous morning I decided I would stay in the hotel that night, as I get home late and felt I didn’t get enough sleep as I had to report for duty early in the morning,” Khalil told The Sunday Times in an interview in Lahore on Friday.
The man of the hour. AFP
Khalil had 22 years of driving experience and had worked as a bus diver for many VIP’s and foreign visiting teams. He said he even had the honour of driving Prince Charles on his visit to Pakistan during President Musharraf’s era. “I have driven many foreign delegations especially sports delegations,” he said.
Re-living Tuesday’s incident he said, he was turning the bus towards the Gaddafi stadium near the main roundabout (Liberty roundabout in Lahore) when he heard what he first thought were some firecrackers going off. But when he saw the elite force cars in front of him getting hit he realized it was gunfire and not firecrackers. The next thing he knew was a rocket being fired at them but it missed the bus and hit an electric pole, after which all hell broke loose. He said, “Suddenly I lost my voice.”
“However, I gained courage when I realized that the other elite car was giving the bus cover. I started thinking and decided to drive off from there,” he said.
He said he kept his foot pressed on the pedal as bullets ripped into the vehicle and explosions filled the air. “My only thought at that time was that the Sri Lankans were guests of my country and its image would be ruined if any of the players got seriously injured. This gave me the courage to drive into the stadium.”
“If we had stopped, a rocket would have hit us. The situation was very dangerous and I thought we might survive so let me try and save my guests,” he said adding that the road ahead of him was clear and it was easy for him to drive straight into the stadium.
Giving his views on the attackers who created horror and put a black mark on Pakistan’s image he said, “they were skilled and knew what they wanted. God was with us. They threw a grenade under the bus which exploded after the bus had passed over it.”
Khalil 42 said he had developed a good rapport with the players. “The players were very friendly. When terror struck, they showed quick sense of reaction and saved themselves by falling flat on the floor of the bus as heavy firing erupted from both sides of the bus.
Although hailing from a cricket-crazy city, he personally wasn’t a cricket enthusiast. “I like football and hockey because they finish within one or one and half hours. I don’t have much time to watch games,” Khalil said.
Khalil, a father of four, the eldest of whom is studying in class 5 said his family means a lot to him but at the time of the attack all he thought of was protecting the innocent Sri Lankan players and the image of his country.
“Almighty Allah gave me courage and strength to protect the players and I did it for Pakistan,” he said.
Much has been said and written about the security lapses but Khalil says that the security was sufficient. “When you suddenly get attacked you need time to react. No place on earth is safe however tight the security maybe,” he said.
Khalil believes the cowardly act was not carried out by Pakistanis but feels that a foreign hand was behind it. He praised the discipline of the Lankan team when under attack. He said he felt particularly honoured when his favourite Sri Lankan player Muttiah Muralitharan gave him his T-shirt and cap at the airport when they were leaving. The other players too spoke to him and thanked him for his act of bravery.
“When I heard later that Sri Lankans are calling me their hero I was amazed” he said, adding that he would love to visit Sri Lanka one day.
(The writer was formerly a journalist attached to The Sunday Times. She is now in Pakistan)
sundaytimes,lk
Saturday, March 7, 2009
TAMILS AS EQUAL CITIZENS WITH DIGNITY AND JUSTICE!!!
NOTEBOOK OF A NOBODY
Have we become a divided nation?...............by Shanie
Propaganda associated with war usually confuses a nation and the people. Disinformation or withholding information about losses on the ground is taken for granted. But when propaganda in an civil conflict intentionally demonizes the perceived enemy who are also citizens of that country, it can have frightening consequences for a people’s psyche. In recent times, we have seen how Muslims have been demonized in the West; unfortunately many even in our country label Muslims as fanatics and extreme fundamentalists. The government’s stated ‘war on terrorism’ to rid the country of the scourge of the LTTE did receive the support of the majority of our people. But the propaganda and the manner in which the Tamil civilian population has been treated have led to a polarization of our people. President Jose Manuel Ramos-Horta of Timor-Leste (formerly East Timor), a country just emerging from a civil war, was right when he stated, "Civil War generates frightening emotions of hatred and revenge that are immensely destructive."
These emotions are all too evident in the statements of political leaders, in the correspondence columns and feature articles in the print media, the comments and views posted on web sites and in the emails that do the rounds among the middle classes. Make no mistake – on the surface, the comments may be about the atrocities of the LTTE or the excesses by the security forces, but there is clear underlying chauvinism in them. Even in private conversation, people will refer to their friends across the ethnic divide as being decent but ….. (‘others’ are different).
In the case of the terror attack on the Sri Lankan cricket team on Lahore, a JHU spokesperson was quick to claim that there was an LTTE had in it. And the mindset of our people was such that many among the Sinhalese believed it. Our roving Foreign Minister adds fuel to the fire by stating that he does not rule out LTTE involvement. Of course, the investigators will not rule out involvement by any group or individual before they conclude their professional investigations. But what other than politics was behind that irresponsible statement by our Foreign Minister and his allies the JHU? This is not the first time that such mischievous statements have been made to confuse and mislead our people. It is nothing but whipping up racist emotions, without a shred of evidence. Sadly, in recent times, we have seen otherwise liberal intellectuals identifying Tamils as an ethnic group with the LTTE. Indeed, it has been apparent over the last couple of years that the dominant thinking has been that every Tamil is deemed an LTTE supporter unless he or she proves himself or herself otherwise. It is similar to the Bush doctrine that either you are with ‘us’ or you are our enemy – a doctrine with which one of our leading Government spokesperson agreed.
Fear, Hatred and Revenge
Sixty five years ago, writing from prison where he was jailed by the British colonial authorities, Jawaharlal Nehru drew attention to the dichotomy of group and individual behaviour. He noted how easy it was to influence the group by insidious propaganda. Moral considerations may influence an individual but their effect on a group was far less, and larger the group less the effect. "War", he wrote, "produces both these reactions, but the dominant tendency is a release from moral responsibility and the collapse of the standards that civilization has so laboriously built up. Successful war and aggression lead to a justification and continuance of this policy, to imperialist domination and ideas of a master race. Defeat results in frustration and the nursing of feelings of revenge. In either event, hatred and the habit of violence grow. There is ruthlessness and brutality, and a refusal even to try to understand the other’s viewpoint. And thus the future is conditioned and more wars and conflicts follow with all their attendant consequences." What President Ramos-Horta said the other day is the same as what Jawaharlal Nehru warned us about sixty five years ago.
Not long after he wrote ‘The Discovery of India’ from the Ahmednagar Prison Camp, Jawaharlal Nehru became Prime Minister of independent India, serving from 1947 to 1964. Two months before his death in May 1964 and following some communal disturbances in parts of India, in a broadcast to the nation, he said, "Ever since the distant past, it has been the proud privilege of the people of India to live in harmony with one another. This has been the basis of India’s culture. Long ago, the Buddha taught us this lesson. From the days of Asoka, 2300 years ago, this aspect of our thought has been repeatedly declared and practised. In our own day, Mahatma Gandhi laid great stress on it and indeed lost his life because he laid great stress on communal goodwill and harmony. We have, therefore, a precious heritage to keep up, and we cannot allow ourselves to act contrary to it….
"I earnestly trust that our efforts will be directed towards creating communal harmony and that all our people and especially our newspapers will appreciate the grave dangers that are caused by communal conflict and disharmony. Let us all be careful in what we say or write lest it might create fear and conflict. Let us put ourselves together and create an atmosphere of co-operation and work for the advancement of India and of all those who live here as her sons (and daughters). Thus only can we serve our motherland and help in making her great, united and strong."
Nehru’s words of encouragement, reconciliation and unity were that of a statesperson. We would like to hear similar words from our political leaders, both from the government and the opposition. They must have the courage to speak words of reconciliation rather than rhetoric that may bring electoral votes but divide our people further. On the national question, it has to be acknowledged that only Presidents Premadasa and Chandrika Kumaratunga among recent leaders who refused to be deviated from the language of reconciliation and peace. President Kumaratunga followed it up, though unsuccessfully, with a constitutional bill to resolve the issue politically. It was an opportunity lost to the country and those who sabotaged it are now paying for it.
Peace only with dignity
Civilians in the Vanni have been uprooted from their homes. The vast majority of them, like the vast majority in the rest of the country, were and are not interested in engaging in acts of violence. Those who have managed to escape from the conflict zone are now being held in a dozen or so camps in Vavuniya, under the watchful eye of not only the security forces but also of sundry para-military groups. It is becoming clear that there are no plans in the foreseeable future for these civilians to be allowed to re-settle in their original homes.
This is where the Government is making a grave mistake. It is not just enough to have just won the war. They have to win the peace as well. And that can be done only if these civilians are quickly allowed to return to their homes to lead lives of dignity, earning the livelihood of their choice. If security as well as a return of the LTTE is a concern, army camps will no doubt be placed in strategic locations. Depopulating the Vanni will be self-defeating. Indeed, it is only by denying the civilians the right to a life of dignity, that we once again create a climate for continuing conflict. As Nehru warned, frustration and helplessness at their plight lead to feelings of violence and conflict. These displaced civilians have been deprived of their homes, their livelihoods and now of their dignity as well. The decision-makers will do well to try and understand the feeling of these IDPs. In three years time, there will be no homesteads to which they can return. They, and the Tamil community in general, must be made to feel that they are equally first-class citizens of our country and that they would be treated with justice and dignity.
The terrorist attack in Lahore
It was a sad day for cricket and a sadder day for Pakistan when the Sri Lanka team and the match officials came under terrorist attack. The Pakistan investigators should be allowed to complete their job; they certainly can do without busybodies within Pakistan and outside, not having a shred of independent evidence, trying to queer the pitch with their own theories. Once investigations are complete, the world will have some idea of the perpetrators and whether there were any lapses in the security provided. In the meantime, it is the duty of cricket officials around the world to help Pakistan cricket move forward. The blame game will not be good for international cricket. The focus should be on taking the game forward and the comments made by Younis Khan, the captain of the Pakistan team, in this regard were refreshingly welcome.
www island.lk
Have we become a divided nation?...............by Shanie
Propaganda associated with war usually confuses a nation and the people. Disinformation or withholding information about losses on the ground is taken for granted. But when propaganda in an civil conflict intentionally demonizes the perceived enemy who are also citizens of that country, it can have frightening consequences for a people’s psyche. In recent times, we have seen how Muslims have been demonized in the West; unfortunately many even in our country label Muslims as fanatics and extreme fundamentalists. The government’s stated ‘war on terrorism’ to rid the country of the scourge of the LTTE did receive the support of the majority of our people. But the propaganda and the manner in which the Tamil civilian population has been treated have led to a polarization of our people. President Jose Manuel Ramos-Horta of Timor-Leste (formerly East Timor), a country just emerging from a civil war, was right when he stated, "Civil War generates frightening emotions of hatred and revenge that are immensely destructive."
These emotions are all too evident in the statements of political leaders, in the correspondence columns and feature articles in the print media, the comments and views posted on web sites and in the emails that do the rounds among the middle classes. Make no mistake – on the surface, the comments may be about the atrocities of the LTTE or the excesses by the security forces, but there is clear underlying chauvinism in them. Even in private conversation, people will refer to their friends across the ethnic divide as being decent but ….. (‘others’ are different).
In the case of the terror attack on the Sri Lankan cricket team on Lahore, a JHU spokesperson was quick to claim that there was an LTTE had in it. And the mindset of our people was such that many among the Sinhalese believed it. Our roving Foreign Minister adds fuel to the fire by stating that he does not rule out LTTE involvement. Of course, the investigators will not rule out involvement by any group or individual before they conclude their professional investigations. But what other than politics was behind that irresponsible statement by our Foreign Minister and his allies the JHU? This is not the first time that such mischievous statements have been made to confuse and mislead our people. It is nothing but whipping up racist emotions, without a shred of evidence. Sadly, in recent times, we have seen otherwise liberal intellectuals identifying Tamils as an ethnic group with the LTTE. Indeed, it has been apparent over the last couple of years that the dominant thinking has been that every Tamil is deemed an LTTE supporter unless he or she proves himself or herself otherwise. It is similar to the Bush doctrine that either you are with ‘us’ or you are our enemy – a doctrine with which one of our leading Government spokesperson agreed.
Fear, Hatred and Revenge
Sixty five years ago, writing from prison where he was jailed by the British colonial authorities, Jawaharlal Nehru drew attention to the dichotomy of group and individual behaviour. He noted how easy it was to influence the group by insidious propaganda. Moral considerations may influence an individual but their effect on a group was far less, and larger the group less the effect. "War", he wrote, "produces both these reactions, but the dominant tendency is a release from moral responsibility and the collapse of the standards that civilization has so laboriously built up. Successful war and aggression lead to a justification and continuance of this policy, to imperialist domination and ideas of a master race. Defeat results in frustration and the nursing of feelings of revenge. In either event, hatred and the habit of violence grow. There is ruthlessness and brutality, and a refusal even to try to understand the other’s viewpoint. And thus the future is conditioned and more wars and conflicts follow with all their attendant consequences." What President Ramos-Horta said the other day is the same as what Jawaharlal Nehru warned us about sixty five years ago.
Not long after he wrote ‘The Discovery of India’ from the Ahmednagar Prison Camp, Jawaharlal Nehru became Prime Minister of independent India, serving from 1947 to 1964. Two months before his death in May 1964 and following some communal disturbances in parts of India, in a broadcast to the nation, he said, "Ever since the distant past, it has been the proud privilege of the people of India to live in harmony with one another. This has been the basis of India’s culture. Long ago, the Buddha taught us this lesson. From the days of Asoka, 2300 years ago, this aspect of our thought has been repeatedly declared and practised. In our own day, Mahatma Gandhi laid great stress on it and indeed lost his life because he laid great stress on communal goodwill and harmony. We have, therefore, a precious heritage to keep up, and we cannot allow ourselves to act contrary to it….
"I earnestly trust that our efforts will be directed towards creating communal harmony and that all our people and especially our newspapers will appreciate the grave dangers that are caused by communal conflict and disharmony. Let us all be careful in what we say or write lest it might create fear and conflict. Let us put ourselves together and create an atmosphere of co-operation and work for the advancement of India and of all those who live here as her sons (and daughters). Thus only can we serve our motherland and help in making her great, united and strong."
Nehru’s words of encouragement, reconciliation and unity were that of a statesperson. We would like to hear similar words from our political leaders, both from the government and the opposition. They must have the courage to speak words of reconciliation rather than rhetoric that may bring electoral votes but divide our people further. On the national question, it has to be acknowledged that only Presidents Premadasa and Chandrika Kumaratunga among recent leaders who refused to be deviated from the language of reconciliation and peace. President Kumaratunga followed it up, though unsuccessfully, with a constitutional bill to resolve the issue politically. It was an opportunity lost to the country and those who sabotaged it are now paying for it.
Peace only with dignity
Civilians in the Vanni have been uprooted from their homes. The vast majority of them, like the vast majority in the rest of the country, were and are not interested in engaging in acts of violence. Those who have managed to escape from the conflict zone are now being held in a dozen or so camps in Vavuniya, under the watchful eye of not only the security forces but also of sundry para-military groups. It is becoming clear that there are no plans in the foreseeable future for these civilians to be allowed to re-settle in their original homes.
This is where the Government is making a grave mistake. It is not just enough to have just won the war. They have to win the peace as well. And that can be done only if these civilians are quickly allowed to return to their homes to lead lives of dignity, earning the livelihood of their choice. If security as well as a return of the LTTE is a concern, army camps will no doubt be placed in strategic locations. Depopulating the Vanni will be self-defeating. Indeed, it is only by denying the civilians the right to a life of dignity, that we once again create a climate for continuing conflict. As Nehru warned, frustration and helplessness at their plight lead to feelings of violence and conflict. These displaced civilians have been deprived of their homes, their livelihoods and now of their dignity as well. The decision-makers will do well to try and understand the feeling of these IDPs. In three years time, there will be no homesteads to which they can return. They, and the Tamil community in general, must be made to feel that they are equally first-class citizens of our country and that they would be treated with justice and dignity.
The terrorist attack in Lahore
It was a sad day for cricket and a sadder day for Pakistan when the Sri Lanka team and the match officials came under terrorist attack. The Pakistan investigators should be allowed to complete their job; they certainly can do without busybodies within Pakistan and outside, not having a shred of independent evidence, trying to queer the pitch with their own theories. Once investigations are complete, the world will have some idea of the perpetrators and whether there were any lapses in the security provided. In the meantime, it is the duty of cricket officials around the world to help Pakistan cricket move forward. The blame game will not be good for international cricket. The focus should be on taking the game forward and the comments made by Younis Khan, the captain of the Pakistan team, in this regard were refreshingly welcome.
www island.lk
CAN TAMILS TRUST MR/ GOVT TO A POLITICAL SOLUTION??!!! BUT HE NEVER CARED ABOUT TAMIL CIVILIANS LIVES!!!
COMPROMISE ON POLICE, LAND POWERS FOR PCS
By Kelum Bandara
With the humanitarian operations in the North on the verge of ending, a group of ruling party politicians are preparing a set of proposals for a more meaningful implementation of the 13th Amendment to the Constitution.
The group comprises Ministers Tissa Vitarana, D.E.W. Gunasekara, Rajitha Senaratne, Dilan Perera and Douglas Devananda, Eastern Province Chief Minister Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan, and Western Province’s former Chief Minister Reginald Cooray.
They met this week and discussed further amendments to be introduced to the 13th Amendment which led to the establishment of the Provincial Council system in 1987.
Dr. Senaratne told the Daily Mirror they had proposed that police and land powers be devolved to the Provincial Councils as specified in the Constitution but that the police powers be limited to dealing with minor offences.
The Minister said that with regard to land, the group had proposed that powers relating to the acquisition and of lands be vested in the provincial councils with the Centre retaining the power in relation to land distribution
When asked to comment on the purpose being served by the All Party Representative Committee (APRC) which had formulated its power devolution proposals, Dr. Senaratne said a consensus for the extensive devolution of power was reached at the APRC while the intention of the group was to ensure a meaningful implementation of the 13th Amendment.
“Our exercise is to implement what is already in the Constitution. It has to be done as the initial step towards a greater devolution of power,” he said.
When asked whether there was pressure applied by India to fully implement the 13th Amendment, he said the initiative taken by the group was their own but the government took serious note of the Indian request for a power devolution formula to resolve the national question after crushing terrorism militarily.
Peace activist Dr. Kumar Rupasinghe is also involved in the deliberations of this group which is expected to meet again next Monday to give finishing touches to a set of draft proposals. The committee is also planning to submit these proposals for the perusal by the Chief Ministers and obtain their views on them.
dailynews.lk
By Kelum Bandara
With the humanitarian operations in the North on the verge of ending, a group of ruling party politicians are preparing a set of proposals for a more meaningful implementation of the 13th Amendment to the Constitution.
The group comprises Ministers Tissa Vitarana, D.E.W. Gunasekara, Rajitha Senaratne, Dilan Perera and Douglas Devananda, Eastern Province Chief Minister Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan, and Western Province’s former Chief Minister Reginald Cooray.
They met this week and discussed further amendments to be introduced to the 13th Amendment which led to the establishment of the Provincial Council system in 1987.
Dr. Senaratne told the Daily Mirror they had proposed that police and land powers be devolved to the Provincial Councils as specified in the Constitution but that the police powers be limited to dealing with minor offences.
The Minister said that with regard to land, the group had proposed that powers relating to the acquisition and of lands be vested in the provincial councils with the Centre retaining the power in relation to land distribution
When asked to comment on the purpose being served by the All Party Representative Committee (APRC) which had formulated its power devolution proposals, Dr. Senaratne said a consensus for the extensive devolution of power was reached at the APRC while the intention of the group was to ensure a meaningful implementation of the 13th Amendment.
“Our exercise is to implement what is already in the Constitution. It has to be done as the initial step towards a greater devolution of power,” he said.
When asked whether there was pressure applied by India to fully implement the 13th Amendment, he said the initiative taken by the group was their own but the government took serious note of the Indian request for a power devolution formula to resolve the national question after crushing terrorism militarily.
Peace activist Dr. Kumar Rupasinghe is also involved in the deliberations of this group which is expected to meet again next Monday to give finishing touches to a set of draft proposals. The committee is also planning to submit these proposals for the perusal by the Chief Ministers and obtain their views on them.
dailynews.lk
Wednesday, March 4, 2009
BUDDHISM AND KILLING OF ANIMALS!!!.......BUT WHAT ABOUT KILLING TAMILS BY GOSL!!!???
Buddhism and the killing of animals
I refer to the article that appeared in the Island of the 26th February written by one Bertram Perera of Dehiwala titled " Trafficking in Cattle - issues to ponder." and a rejoinder by an
"Irate reader" which appeared in the Island of 27th February. The title of this article belies his real intentions which was obviously to insult the Buddha and Buddhists of this country. His diatribe was a complete distortion of the views held by the Buddha. He has also insulted King Suddhodana and Prince Siddharta (before he became the Buddha) regarding their views on animal farming and killing of animals etc. This diatribe is akin to the Devil Quoting the Scriptures.
For the benefit of the readers of the Island who may have been misguided by the abovementioned article, I would like to quote from recognised Buddhist texts on kindness to animals.
1. A state that is not pleasing or delightful to me, how could I inflict that upon another- Samyutta Nikaya v. 353
2. All tremble at violence; all fear death. Putting oneself in a place of another, one should not kill nor cause another to kill. - Dhammapada.
3. Hurt not others with that which pains you yourself. -
Udanavarga 5.18
4. I forbid all meat eating, regardless of whether the animal dies naturally or is killed.
I have never allowed my disciples to eat meat and I will not allow in the present or future. - Lankavatura Sutra.
5. All sentient beings came from the same origin. Through myriad incarnations, all sentient beings have been relatives of each other. How can we eat the meat of our relatives?
Lankavatura Sutra.
6. People who eat meat are destroying the great merciful seed of their own Buddha nature, and any sentient being seeing them would leave them. Therefore all Bodhisatvas (spiritual practitioners) must refrain from eating the flesh of any sentient being, as this will incur boundless sin. - Brahmajala Sutra.
The first precept preached by the Buddha, itself prohibits the killing of animals. One cannot observe ‘Maithree Bhavana’ (loving kindness towards all living beings) if one eats the flesh of animals. In conclusion, I wish to agree with "Irate reader’ and would urge that as a matter of policy you should not allow such blasphemous articles to appear in your highly respected Newspaper.
Neil Perera.
www island.lk
I refer to the article that appeared in the Island of the 26th February written by one Bertram Perera of Dehiwala titled " Trafficking in Cattle - issues to ponder." and a rejoinder by an
"Irate reader" which appeared in the Island of 27th February. The title of this article belies his real intentions which was obviously to insult the Buddha and Buddhists of this country. His diatribe was a complete distortion of the views held by the Buddha. He has also insulted King Suddhodana and Prince Siddharta (before he became the Buddha) regarding their views on animal farming and killing of animals etc. This diatribe is akin to the Devil Quoting the Scriptures.
For the benefit of the readers of the Island who may have been misguided by the abovementioned article, I would like to quote from recognised Buddhist texts on kindness to animals.
1. A state that is not pleasing or delightful to me, how could I inflict that upon another- Samyutta Nikaya v. 353
2. All tremble at violence; all fear death. Putting oneself in a place of another, one should not kill nor cause another to kill. - Dhammapada.
3. Hurt not others with that which pains you yourself. -
Udanavarga 5.18
4. I forbid all meat eating, regardless of whether the animal dies naturally or is killed.
I have never allowed my disciples to eat meat and I will not allow in the present or future. - Lankavatura Sutra.
5. All sentient beings came from the same origin. Through myriad incarnations, all sentient beings have been relatives of each other. How can we eat the meat of our relatives?
Lankavatura Sutra.
6. People who eat meat are destroying the great merciful seed of their own Buddha nature, and any sentient being seeing them would leave them. Therefore all Bodhisatvas (spiritual practitioners) must refrain from eating the flesh of any sentient being, as this will incur boundless sin. - Brahmajala Sutra.
The first precept preached by the Buddha, itself prohibits the killing of animals. One cannot observe ‘Maithree Bhavana’ (loving kindness towards all living beings) if one eats the flesh of animals. In conclusion, I wish to agree with "Irate reader’ and would urge that as a matter of policy you should not allow such blasphemous articles to appear in your highly respected Newspaper.
Neil Perera.
www island.lk
JHU LOST THE ELECTIONS!!! BUT BARKING EMPTY!!!
How to ruin a perfectly good idea by Kath Noble
The JHU appears to be desperately seeking a raison d’être. Having set itself up as a single issue party, interested in nothing much other than crushing the LTTE, it has actually suffered as a result of successes on the battlefield. Mahinda Rajapaksa did all the hard work, and the voters know it. The JHU didn’t get a single candidate through in the recent provincial council elections in the Central and North Western Provinces, despite standing under the UPFA banner, and its leaders must be wondering if the party is destined to the same fate as the LTTE. That would be strangely entertaining.
This is what came to mind when I heard Udaya Gammanpila explaining last week that the JHU was going to set up a committee to sue the British for our invasion of Sri Lanka. Compensation is long overdue, he said.
I would normally be all for such an idea. We became wealthy by subjugating other nations, and the impact of our policies continued to be felt long after the end of direct rule. Britain, as Udaya Gammanpila so characteristically barked, helped to create ethnic disharmony in Sri Lanka, as well as plundering your natural resources. He probably meant to refer to the forcible conversion of a whole lot of people to Christianity too, and that’s fair enough. Culture was as easily trampled as people and the environment in those rather inglorious days.
Compensation would help to set what we currently refer to as aid on a proper footing. When funds arrive as charitable donations for the needy, the givers are accorded far too great a say over their use, in some peculiar recognition of their munificence. Principles like democracy that require decisions to be made by those in need and their representatives are cheerfully ignored in favour of allowing swarms of foreign consultants to rush around the country telling people what they ought to have or want. In the process, aid often does almost as much to grow the British economy as it does to help the recipients. That couldn’t happen with compensation.
The process would also be of use to the British people to understand how we managed to get into such a warped state that we truly considered ourselves superior to the nations we were invading. Simply taking what we felt like because we had the military strength to do so would have been far less ugly. It would stop people advancing the incredibly hopeful point of view that a few railways made up for complete domination of the local polity too. I don’t know if history teaching has improved in recent years, but children were learning about the ancient practice of trephining, the Spanish Armada, General Custer’s last stand and the murder of Archduke Ferdinand in my schooldays, with not a word about the Empire and its implications.
That this is still an important task has become rather too clear in recent times. For Britain appears to believe that our colonial history gives us a unique right to interfere in Sri Lankan affairs. I have lost track of the number of times our parliamentarians have referenced an alleged special relationship between our two countries, meaning the fact that we invaded and occupied your land for a century and more. The only kind of special relationship I can see is one in which Sri Lanka is owed the unstinting support of Britain in resolving its problems, if directly requested.
It isn’t just a question of thinking we have a unique right to interfere, for we also suffer from a quite unshakeable belief in our ability to be useful. This isn’t limited to the British government, for we have seen how the crowds of British people who have mysteriously come to occupy most of the senior positions in international NGOs and the United Nations often seem to think alike. We never remember our failings, even those manifested in the Northern Ireland conflict that took place so very recently. The British government couldn’t prevent armed groups from wreaking havoc in communities and amongst the media there, nor could it avoid the security forces colluding with armed groups, but these weaknesses somehow aren’t permitted to inform our thinking on the situation here. Perhaps the majority of British people just don’t know how ineffective we have been, because it should be obvious that not having been able to deal with such problems when they arose at home doesn’t make us experts when similar issues crop up abroad.
The fact that there is absolutely no chance of success wouldn’t put me off pressing for compensation. Things like this have to be done on principle, never mind the likely result. Of course Britain is not going to allow the idea to get very far, because we imposed ourselves on a good third of the world. If we were to make a list of people with whom we ought to make amends, Britain would be bankrupt before we got to those beginning with the letter C. This doesn’t matter, for the process of demanding compensation might turn out to be more useful than success ever could be.
I do however think there may be a case for suggesting that this country has less of a claim than many others that are doing rather worse today. Take most of the places we colonised in Africa, for example. I’d argue that compensation for our more recent adventures in Iraq should come before any redress for colonialism too. People who are currently suffering the most surely ought to be dealt with first.
This is one of the things that bother me about the JHU getting involved in this issue. Having a rather inward looking tendency, it does not appear to have noticed that Sri Lanka is not alone in this struggle. Any progressive attempt to sue Britain for its colonial misdeeds ought to be done as a partnership between all the nations affected, rather than as a narrow campaign by a fringe party like the JHU. It would also have to reference the current global political and economic situation.
The JHU is of course only talking about compensation in support of its regular agenda. Shouting at foreigners is an integral part of its campaign against the LTTE, and probably for good reason. Indeed, perhaps it is unfair not to give the party some credit for having dedicated itself so determinedly to a single issue. The conflict with the LTTE has been arguably the most important challenge for Sri Lanka in recent years, if not quite so exclusively as the JHU would like to think. Whether the JHU has properly assessed the causes of the problems with the LTTE and the preferable solutions is another matter.
While I am putting things in context, a few words on the motivation for this activism would seem relevant here. Britain did plenty of damage to Sri Lanka, but it can hardly take all the blame for ethnic disharmony. The story of the colonial attempts to divide Tamils and Sinhalese needs no repetition here, but neither should the other tale of purely Sri Lankan mistakes that followed British rule. If a proper accounting for the current situation is to be done, I suggest that it cannot be focused on external involvement.
Perhaps this is a waste of time. As a good friend of mine keeps telling me when we discuss the antics of the JHU, it’s just politics. By this he means to imply that we should ignore what politicians say, because they don’t really mean it. Udaya Gammanpila is standing for the upcoming provincial council elections in the Western Province, and he probably doesn’t care about anything else. It may only be foolish newspaper columnists who bother to listen and try to understand the worth of proposals like this, but we can still hope that this is not the case. Let the JHU demonstrate its seriousness if it can. Maybe then the voters will recover their enthusiasm for the party.
www island.lk
The JHU appears to be desperately seeking a raison d’être. Having set itself up as a single issue party, interested in nothing much other than crushing the LTTE, it has actually suffered as a result of successes on the battlefield. Mahinda Rajapaksa did all the hard work, and the voters know it. The JHU didn’t get a single candidate through in the recent provincial council elections in the Central and North Western Provinces, despite standing under the UPFA banner, and its leaders must be wondering if the party is destined to the same fate as the LTTE. That would be strangely entertaining.
This is what came to mind when I heard Udaya Gammanpila explaining last week that the JHU was going to set up a committee to sue the British for our invasion of Sri Lanka. Compensation is long overdue, he said.
I would normally be all for such an idea. We became wealthy by subjugating other nations, and the impact of our policies continued to be felt long after the end of direct rule. Britain, as Udaya Gammanpila so characteristically barked, helped to create ethnic disharmony in Sri Lanka, as well as plundering your natural resources. He probably meant to refer to the forcible conversion of a whole lot of people to Christianity too, and that’s fair enough. Culture was as easily trampled as people and the environment in those rather inglorious days.
Compensation would help to set what we currently refer to as aid on a proper footing. When funds arrive as charitable donations for the needy, the givers are accorded far too great a say over their use, in some peculiar recognition of their munificence. Principles like democracy that require decisions to be made by those in need and their representatives are cheerfully ignored in favour of allowing swarms of foreign consultants to rush around the country telling people what they ought to have or want. In the process, aid often does almost as much to grow the British economy as it does to help the recipients. That couldn’t happen with compensation.
The process would also be of use to the British people to understand how we managed to get into such a warped state that we truly considered ourselves superior to the nations we were invading. Simply taking what we felt like because we had the military strength to do so would have been far less ugly. It would stop people advancing the incredibly hopeful point of view that a few railways made up for complete domination of the local polity too. I don’t know if history teaching has improved in recent years, but children were learning about the ancient practice of trephining, the Spanish Armada, General Custer’s last stand and the murder of Archduke Ferdinand in my schooldays, with not a word about the Empire and its implications.
That this is still an important task has become rather too clear in recent times. For Britain appears to believe that our colonial history gives us a unique right to interfere in Sri Lankan affairs. I have lost track of the number of times our parliamentarians have referenced an alleged special relationship between our two countries, meaning the fact that we invaded and occupied your land for a century and more. The only kind of special relationship I can see is one in which Sri Lanka is owed the unstinting support of Britain in resolving its problems, if directly requested.
It isn’t just a question of thinking we have a unique right to interfere, for we also suffer from a quite unshakeable belief in our ability to be useful. This isn’t limited to the British government, for we have seen how the crowds of British people who have mysteriously come to occupy most of the senior positions in international NGOs and the United Nations often seem to think alike. We never remember our failings, even those manifested in the Northern Ireland conflict that took place so very recently. The British government couldn’t prevent armed groups from wreaking havoc in communities and amongst the media there, nor could it avoid the security forces colluding with armed groups, but these weaknesses somehow aren’t permitted to inform our thinking on the situation here. Perhaps the majority of British people just don’t know how ineffective we have been, because it should be obvious that not having been able to deal with such problems when they arose at home doesn’t make us experts when similar issues crop up abroad.
The fact that there is absolutely no chance of success wouldn’t put me off pressing for compensation. Things like this have to be done on principle, never mind the likely result. Of course Britain is not going to allow the idea to get very far, because we imposed ourselves on a good third of the world. If we were to make a list of people with whom we ought to make amends, Britain would be bankrupt before we got to those beginning with the letter C. This doesn’t matter, for the process of demanding compensation might turn out to be more useful than success ever could be.
I do however think there may be a case for suggesting that this country has less of a claim than many others that are doing rather worse today. Take most of the places we colonised in Africa, for example. I’d argue that compensation for our more recent adventures in Iraq should come before any redress for colonialism too. People who are currently suffering the most surely ought to be dealt with first.
This is one of the things that bother me about the JHU getting involved in this issue. Having a rather inward looking tendency, it does not appear to have noticed that Sri Lanka is not alone in this struggle. Any progressive attempt to sue Britain for its colonial misdeeds ought to be done as a partnership between all the nations affected, rather than as a narrow campaign by a fringe party like the JHU. It would also have to reference the current global political and economic situation.
The JHU is of course only talking about compensation in support of its regular agenda. Shouting at foreigners is an integral part of its campaign against the LTTE, and probably for good reason. Indeed, perhaps it is unfair not to give the party some credit for having dedicated itself so determinedly to a single issue. The conflict with the LTTE has been arguably the most important challenge for Sri Lanka in recent years, if not quite so exclusively as the JHU would like to think. Whether the JHU has properly assessed the causes of the problems with the LTTE and the preferable solutions is another matter.
While I am putting things in context, a few words on the motivation for this activism would seem relevant here. Britain did plenty of damage to Sri Lanka, but it can hardly take all the blame for ethnic disharmony. The story of the colonial attempts to divide Tamils and Sinhalese needs no repetition here, but neither should the other tale of purely Sri Lankan mistakes that followed British rule. If a proper accounting for the current situation is to be done, I suggest that it cannot be focused on external involvement.
Perhaps this is a waste of time. As a good friend of mine keeps telling me when we discuss the antics of the JHU, it’s just politics. By this he means to imply that we should ignore what politicians say, because they don’t really mean it. Udaya Gammanpila is standing for the upcoming provincial council elections in the Western Province, and he probably doesn’t care about anything else. It may only be foolish newspaper columnists who bother to listen and try to understand the worth of proposals like this, but we can still hope that this is not the case. Let the JHU demonstrate its seriousness if it can. Maybe then the voters will recover their enthusiasm for the party.
www island.lk
Monday, March 2, 2009
SUPREME COURT DEMANDS FOR CC MEMBERS CONFIRMATION SOON!!!
Consensus reached on CC
Supreme Court wants confirmation by next Monday
By S.S.Selvanayagam
The Supreme Court yesterday directed the Prime Minister and the Opposition Leader to submit a joint letter to the President setting out the names of the six members they had agreed on to be nominated to the Constitutional Council (CC).
The names of parliament’s former Secretary General Nihal Seneviratne, former Supreme Court Judge C.V. Wigneswaran, Sivakumar Nadesan and Professor Sherifdeen have been proposed by the Prime Minister and the Opposition Leader and accepted.
The fifth person recommended by consensus of both the Prime Minister and the Opposition Leader was Moratuwa University Vice Chancellor Professor Malik Ranasinghe.
When the matter came up before the Court yesterday Senior State Counsel Nerin Pulle said there had been two meetings on February 17 and 19 convened by the Speaker with the representatives of the minority parties represented in parliament but there had been no consensus on the nominee.
However UNP deputy leader Karu Jayasuriya who was present in Court yesterday said a majority were in favour of Professor Jeyadeva Uyangoda as the representative of the minority parties.
On this basis the Court recommended that Professor Uyangoda, be nominated as the sixth member of the Constitutional Council.
The Bench comprised Chief Justice Sarath N. Silva, Justices N.G. Amaratunga and K. Sripavan and the matter was listed to be mentioned on March 9.
Earlier the Supreme Court had suggested that if a consensus could not be reached by the minority parties the Speaker could conduct a vote to select the nominee.
The Constitutional Council is to consist of ten members including the Speaker, the Prime Minister and the Opposition Leader and one member nominated by the President.
The Petitioners -- Peradeniya University senior lecturer Sumanasiri Liyanage, Attorney-at-Law and Executive Director of South Asia Peace Institute Subash Ravi Jayawardena -- in their petition said that despite repeated requests by the public and the civil society organizations, the Constitutional Council had not been reconstituted since March 2005 and as such the CC had ceased to be in existence for three years.
The petitioners had cited President Mahinda Rajapaksa, Speaker W.J. M. Lokubandara, presidential secretary, Lalith Weeratunga, the Attorney General and Leader of the Opposition Ranil Wickremasinghe as respondents.
The Constitutional Council was formed in March 2002 and was dissolved in March 2005 with the expiration of its three-year term of office.
The petitioners said the CC a mandatory requirement under the 13th Amendment to the Constitution had ceased exist for nearly three years and that although nominations had been made, a dispute regarding the minority party representative caused a delay to constituting the Council.
Attorneys-at-law M. A. Sumanthiran with Viran Corea and Suren Fernando appeared for the two petitioners. President’s Counsel Sibly Aziz with A.P. Niles appeared for the Opposition Leader Ranil Wickremasinghe. Senior State Counsel Nerin Pulle appeared for the respondents. Sanjeeva Jayawardane instructed by Sudath Perera Associates appeared for Attorney General Mohan Peiris in his personal capacity.
dailymirror.lk
Supreme Court wants confirmation by next Monday
By S.S.Selvanayagam
The Supreme Court yesterday directed the Prime Minister and the Opposition Leader to submit a joint letter to the President setting out the names of the six members they had agreed on to be nominated to the Constitutional Council (CC).
The names of parliament’s former Secretary General Nihal Seneviratne, former Supreme Court Judge C.V. Wigneswaran, Sivakumar Nadesan and Professor Sherifdeen have been proposed by the Prime Minister and the Opposition Leader and accepted.
The fifth person recommended by consensus of both the Prime Minister and the Opposition Leader was Moratuwa University Vice Chancellor Professor Malik Ranasinghe.
When the matter came up before the Court yesterday Senior State Counsel Nerin Pulle said there had been two meetings on February 17 and 19 convened by the Speaker with the representatives of the minority parties represented in parliament but there had been no consensus on the nominee.
However UNP deputy leader Karu Jayasuriya who was present in Court yesterday said a majority were in favour of Professor Jeyadeva Uyangoda as the representative of the minority parties.
On this basis the Court recommended that Professor Uyangoda, be nominated as the sixth member of the Constitutional Council.
The Bench comprised Chief Justice Sarath N. Silva, Justices N.G. Amaratunga and K. Sripavan and the matter was listed to be mentioned on March 9.
Earlier the Supreme Court had suggested that if a consensus could not be reached by the minority parties the Speaker could conduct a vote to select the nominee.
The Constitutional Council is to consist of ten members including the Speaker, the Prime Minister and the Opposition Leader and one member nominated by the President.
The Petitioners -- Peradeniya University senior lecturer Sumanasiri Liyanage, Attorney-at-Law and Executive Director of South Asia Peace Institute Subash Ravi Jayawardena -- in their petition said that despite repeated requests by the public and the civil society organizations, the Constitutional Council had not been reconstituted since March 2005 and as such the CC had ceased to be in existence for three years.
The petitioners had cited President Mahinda Rajapaksa, Speaker W.J. M. Lokubandara, presidential secretary, Lalith Weeratunga, the Attorney General and Leader of the Opposition Ranil Wickremasinghe as respondents.
The Constitutional Council was formed in March 2002 and was dissolved in March 2005 with the expiration of its three-year term of office.
The petitioners said the CC a mandatory requirement under the 13th Amendment to the Constitution had ceased exist for nearly three years and that although nominations had been made, a dispute regarding the minority party representative caused a delay to constituting the Council.
Attorneys-at-law M. A. Sumanthiran with Viran Corea and Suren Fernando appeared for the two petitioners. President’s Counsel Sibly Aziz with A.P. Niles appeared for the Opposition Leader Ranil Wickremasinghe. Senior State Counsel Nerin Pulle appeared for the respondents. Sanjeeva Jayawardane instructed by Sudath Perera Associates appeared for Attorney General Mohan Peiris in his personal capacity.
dailymirror.lk
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