D.B.WIJETUNGA/FMR.SL-PRESIDENT:TRIBUTE/ VIEW....DBS.JEYARAJ

D.B.WIJETUNGA: FROM GENTLEMAN FARMER TO CONSTITUTIONAL MONARCH By D.B.S.JEYARAJ

The most unforgettable thing about Dingiri Banda (DB) Wijetunga was his simple, disarming smile. Even the toughest of journalists warmed to that genial grin and thought twice about tossing a hostile question.
The toothy, beaming smile exuded warmth and friendliness. It was right from the heart, putting one at ease immediately. Even as news of his demise on Sep 21st reached me it was this smiling image etched in memory that recurred again and again.

I came to know this modest and moderate man when he was Minister of Posts and Telecommunications during the Junius Richard Jayewardene regime, while I as a journalist was covering that ministry.

Two things were remarkable at press conferences conducted by him (usually in the morning). One was his unusual practice of assembling almost all his key officials at the meeting.

While we the scribes sat at the main table those officials would sit around us forming an outer ring of sorts. When specific questions were asked Wijetunga would look at the official concerned and tell him to respond.

After the question was answered, Wijetunga would ask the reporter concerned whether he or she was satisfied. He would also urge them to contact the official concerned later on and get more details.

This practice deviated greatly from the usual one where ministers would answer questions directly. With the exception of a few like Lalith Athulathmudali, Gamini Dissanayake, Anandatissa De Alwis etc most of these ministers did not have a grasp of the subject.

As a result they would bluff and bluster while officials who knew more than the minister would keep quiet , not daring to butt in when the boss was holding the floor. Wijetunga’s action on the other hand allowed journalists to get better information from the horse’s mouth directly.

The other aspect was the hospitality shown. Instead of a mere cup of tea, D.B. Wijetunga would have a lavish spread laid out for journalists and officials. A must on all such occasions was Kiribath and fresh fruit.

DBW as we referred to him among ourselves would walk from person to person with a benevolent smile repeating “Ganda! Ganda! “(take! take!) or “Kanda! Kanda!” (eat! eat!) He was the epitome of traditional rural Sinhala hospitality and his entreaties were authentically sincere.

One incident I remember vividly was when DBW admonished some of us gently for trying to eat a papaw slice with a spoon. “That is not the way to eat papaw. This is the way,” he said in Sinhala and proceeded to demonstrate by raising the slice to his lips and biting into it as we usually do in our homes.

He used to pay special attention to the Tamil media and always inquired whether they had obtained all the information required. With his customary benign smile he would emphasise about how important it was for the Tamil people to know and participate with equal rights in national life.

Which is why many Tamils like myself who knew him were upset and disappointed when he came out with his infamous observation about minority community ‘creepers’ being entwined around the majority community ‘tree’.

The DBW we knew and the D.B. Wijetunga who made this statement seemed to be two different persons. But then politics in this country has caused many people to be different and often contradictory in their thought, word and deed. With few exceptions, there is a hiatus between public posture and private conduct.

Wijetunga was not one who understood all the ramifications of the Tamil national question and did not advocate devolution of powers as a solution to the problem. At the same time he was not a rabid majoritarian chauvinist or Sinhala supremacist as portrayed by sections of the Tamil media on the basis of this provocative comment.

Another of his positions was that a terrorist and not ethnic problem prevailed in the country. In this belief he was wrong. There are many like DBW who think there is only a terrorist problem and that once the LTTE is no more the problem is over.

While admitting that the uncompromising intransigence and militaristic mindset of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) has added much credence to this belief, the reality is that the LTTE is only a virulent symptom of an underlying malady.

A valid response to terrorism alone cannot be the answer. What is necessary is to address the causes also and not focus on the effect alone. D.B. Wijetunga like many others failed to distinguish between both. Still that does not make him or others holding similar views ‘communalists’.

In any case the ‘offensive’ observation made by DBW in 1993 pales into insignificance when compared to the flagrant acts of racism prevalent at many levels now.

If I recollect correctly D.B. Wijetunga made these comments during the election campaign to the Southern Provincial council in 1993. The political fall – out was drastic.

This was the time when Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga was transforming the image of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) as a minority-friendly party. Wijetunga’s ill-advised pronouncement was the proverbial straw which broke the camel’s back.

There was a massive shift in the mood of the minority communities. Wijetunga’s comment was pinpointed as proof of Sinhala supremacist thought being dominant in the United National Party (UNP) government. The UNP began losing its traditional minority support.

Nowadays there is a tendency to equate former President Wijetunga with current President Rajapaksa. Some like to depict Wijetunga as the ideological forerunner of Rajapaksa. There are attempts to rationalise the present war conducted by the Rajapaksa regime as a continuation of Wijetunga’s policies.

Yes! There is a commonality between both in their simplistic understanding of the Tamil national question. There is also a similarity in opining that a militaristic response to the LTTE would suffice as a solution to this issue.

But what is lost sight of is the humane approach conditioned by the essence of Buddha Dharma that was displayed by Wijetunga on an important occasion. This was before the Parliamentary poll of August 1994.

A proposal was mooted that the armed forces be allowed to launch a massive, no-holds barred offensive in the Jaffna peninsula against the LTTE. A military success in Jaffna could swing votes in favour of the UNP in the South it was felt.

President Wijetunga then inquired from Gen “Lucky” Algama about the number of possible civilian casualties in such a military venture. ‘At least 15,000’ was the answer.

Wijetunga was aghast. He would not permit such harm to innocent human lives knowingly, he said. Algama remonstrated saying omeletts cannot be made without breaking eggs.

Wijetunga however refused to give the go ahead. It was better to lose elections rather than attaining power through causing harm to innocent civilians he said. There was no military onslaught. There was no UNP victory either.

This laudable yet little-known act by Wijetunga is one that requires praiseworthy mention. Yet it is being ignored or overlooked in the frenzy to depict DBW as a man of war.

This then is the crucial difference between Wijetunga’s humanitarian approach towards war and the mode in which fighting is conducted nowadays. There was and is a difference and as the French would say ‘Vive la difference’.

Apart from seeing D.B. Wijetunga in his official capacity as cabinet minister I also had the chance to have a first-hand view of the man as a Parliamentarian representing a rural/semi-urban constituency.

I once accompanied two friends who wanted to invite D.B. Wijetunga as chief guest for a cultural function. We went to his home early morning on a week-end. There were more than a hundred people there.

Wijetunga called in each person and patiently listened to his problem or request. He dictated letters to his typists about those. He granted appointments for some to see him at the Ministry in Colombo.

Once in a while he would go outside and address those waiting for a few minutes. He apologised for the delay and asked them to wait patiently saying he would definitely attend to each and every person. The people waiting were served plain tea regularly.

This was Dingiri Banda Wijetunga at his best. The simple, sincere man of the people whom the spoils of high office could not buy or alter. He was a man rooted among his people who in the words of Kipling ‘walked with kings yet retained the common touch’.

Wijetunga was an affable, unassuming man from the Kandyan rural gentry (Non-Radala) who was fortunate enough to hold high office of an assorted variety in life.

Ministerial private secretary, Parliamentarian, cabinet minister, Provincial Governor, Prime Minister and finally executive president were all distinguished posts he held. As Wijetunga himself once told Parliaent he was not one who was afraid of greatness.

It was this life philosophy which defined his approach to politics. His simple, mild-mannered demeanour made many underestimate his talents, fortitude and capability. He was the butt of many jokes based on his initials.

When D.B. Wijetunga was made Prime Minister by Ranasinghe Premadasa the joke was “Dunnoth Baragamu” Wijetunga; when he played second fiddle to the dictatorial Premadasa he was called derisively as “Deaf and Blind” Wijetunga.

After Premadasa’s tragic demise DBW was President. He was then called “Deela Balamu” Wijetunga. Later as Wijetunga discharged his Presidential duties exceptionally well and earned the admiration of friend and foe alike, he was described as “Doing Bloody Well”.

His worth was fully recognized after he stepped down earning him the sobriquet “Dearly Beloved” D.B. Wijetunga however took both praise and criticism in his stride and treated” both impostors” alike

In a farewell address to Parliament Wijetunga , invoked the immortal lines from the Bard of Avon ‘Some men are born great; some achieve greatness and some have greatness thrust upon them’.

In Wijetunga’s case he was not born great but he certainly did achieve a great deal of greatness like Parliamentary and ministerial office through his own efforts. But the highest offices of the land like the Premiership and Presidency were instances of greatness being thrust upon DBW.

Dingiri Banda Wijetunga was born in the Kandy district village of Polgahanga on February 15th 1916. He was the eldest of eleven children born to Mudianse Wijetunga and Manamperi Mudiyanselage Palingu Menike.

He received his primary education at Welihella C.M.S. Primary school and secondary education at St. Andrews College, Gampola. As for tertiary education Wijetunga passed his inter-arts for a London university external degree but never graduated.

He worked briefly for Kandy political stalwart George de Silva and then joined the co-operative movement. He was appointed co-operatives Inspector in 1942 and soon formed a trade union of which he was head.

When the U.N.P. was formed in 1946 Wijetunga was one of the pioneering members from Kandy district. The party under DS Senanayake formed the first government of independent Ceylon in 1947.

Abeyratne Ratnayake who contested from Wattegama was appointed as minister of Food and Co-operatives. D.B. Wijetunga in turn became his private secretary.

Ratnayake also served as Home Affairs minister from 1952 – 56. Wijetunga continued as Ratnayake’s private secretary.

This experience whetted Dingiri Banda’s political appetite. He sought nomination in 1956 as second UNP candidate for the multi – member Kadugannawa seat then held by E.A. Nugawela of the UNP and C.A.S. Marikkar of the SLFP.

The party gave it to L.S. Jinasena. An aggrieved Wijetunga displayed his rebellious streak of defiance by contesting as an Independent. He got only 5903 votes but made his mark in electoral politics.

Wijetunga returned to UNP folds and in March 1960 staked his claim for the newly carved electorate of Yatinuwara. Again his claim was rejected and the nomination given to Sunil Abeysundara. A chagrined Wijetunga turned rebel again and contested as Independent.

Abeysundara with 4352 votes squeaked ahead of the SLFP’s Hector Kobbekaduwe with a majority of just 193 votes. Wijetunga came third with 3156 votes.

A political rapprochement was effected by Dudley Senanayake and MD Banda ahead of the July 1960 poll. Thus Wijetunga moved to neighbouring Udunuwara electorate replacing the Radala T.B. Panabokke as UNP candidate.

He lost to T.B. Jayasundara of the SLFP by just 213 votes in July 1960. In March 1965 D.B. Wijetunga defeated Jayasundara by 3059 votes and entered Parliament for the first time as the MP for Udunuwara.

He made no waves and was content to remain as part of the 16 member ‘ginger group’ led by Festus Perera. This ginger group came to the fore in 1968 when it vehemently opposed the District Councils bill.

1970 saw D.B. Wijetunga with 13, 318 votes losing by 1068 votes To the SLFP’s T.B. Jayasundara. In 1977 DB Wijetunga riding the crest of a pro-UNP wave won comfortably with a majority of 10,750. He had 21,766 to the SLFP’s MPB Senanayake who got 11,013.

During J.R. Jayewardena’s regime Wijetunga held many portfolios including Information and Broadcasting, Posts and Telecommunications, Power and Highways and Agricultural Development.

When the provincial councils were set up JR wanted some senior UNP leaders to become Governors. D.B. Wijetunga obliged and was appointed North – Western Province governor.

After the election of R. Premadasa as president there was intense rivalry between Gamini Dissanayake and Lalith Athulathmudali to be Premier. But Premadasa flummoxed all by recalling governor Wijetunga to active politics.

D.B. Wijetunga topped the preferential polls for Kandy district and was appointed Prime Minister and also Finance Minister. He was also minister of Labour and Vocational Training. Later Wijetunga was deputy Minister of Defence after Ranjan Wijeratne was killed by the LTTE.

The assassination of Premadasa by the LTTE on May 1st 1993 saw Wijetunga become acting President immediately. He was later elected unanimously by Parliament as President. He held Presidential office until November 12th 1994 when Chandrika Kumaratunga was sworn in as executive president.

Wijetunga’s assumption of presidential office was like a breath of fresh air after the rigid authoritarianism of Premadasa.

One of the first things done by DBW was the exorcising of State media when he chased away some evil spirits haunting Lake House. He ushered in a free, media culture that flourished during the Kumaratunga era.

Another of his acts was to dismantle the extra-constitutional security apparatus and doing away with wire-tapping. Ronnie Abeysinghe had died along with Premadasa but the sinister outfit headed by former Police DIG AC Lawrence still existed. This was dissolved.

In spite of these positive acts and his aversion to family bandyism and the politics of nepotism, DB Wijetunga was not without his faults. He permitted a cabal of corrupt racists to be formed around him.

Though Wijetunga himself was above corruption he did allow many wrongful acts of omission and commission like the granting of multi-crore ‘loans’ to dubious entrepreneurs.

He also permitted blatant abuses of power like the Fransiscu abduction affair during the Southern provincial polls.

It was during his Presidency that a mass defection from the SLFP to the UNP was engineered. Anura Bandaranaike deserted the party of his parents and crossed over to the arch – rival UNP with some of his supporters.

On the ethnic front Wijetunga was responsible for the clearing of the Eastern province enabling local authority elections to be held.

Later the emasculated Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) was able to raise its head again in B’caloa and Trinco during Parliamentary elections. Ironically the bulk of Tamil and Muslim votes in the east went to Kumaratunga during Presidential polls.

It was during Wijetunga’s presidency that the army launched “operation Yarl Devi” to take Kilaly. This was foiled by the Tigers. The LTTE also conducted two major operations. One was the attack codenamed “operation Thavalai (Frog)on Poonagary – Nagathevanthurai and the other on Janakapura in Weli – Oya/Manal aaru codenamed Operation Ithayabhoomi” (Heartland).

Realising his limitations as a populist mass figure, President Wijetunga engaged in a bold gamble before the Presidential elections scheduled for 1994.

Though the Parliamentary elections were due only in 1995, Wijetunga decided to hold it a year earlier. Given the UNP’s unshakeable vote bank, Wijetunga thought that the UNP would come out on top. Thereafter he thought that he could win the Presidency on the strength of a Parliamentary victory.

What he did not take into account was the positive impression made by Kumaratunga on the electorate and the yearning for peace in the country. Besides 17 years of UNP rule had had its toll and the nation was clamouring for change.

The Peoples Alliance was elected with a slender majority and there were moves afoot to do horse deals enabling the UNP to retain power. To their credit both President Wijetunga and Premier Ranil Wickremesinghe refused to go along with this.

The period between August – November 1994 saw D.B. Wijetunga reverting in practice to being a symbolic head of state. It was a brief period of political cohabitation where the President and Prime Minister were from different parties.

A constitutional crisis in the making was prevented by the statesmanlike conduct of D.B. Wijetunga. He simply behaved like a titular head of state acting solely on the advice and recommendation of the new Prime Minister.

He also declared himself out of the forthcoming Presidential stakes and encouraged Gamini Dissanayake (who had returned to UNP folds) to be Presidential candidate. Tragically, Dissanayake was killed by the LTTE and his widow became candidate. Kumaratunga swept the polls.

D.B. Wijetunga stepped down from office and retired from public life. He went back to his home in Pilimatalawa and resumed his traditional occupation of gentleman farmer cum dairy owner.

He lived in splendid isolation without any scandal or controversy.

His death after prolonged ailment removes from our midst a rare human being who was a fine embodiment of true Sinhala culture and Buddhist values.

It was Robert Knox who said that the ordinary Sinhala farmer was capable of discharging the duties of a King if placed upon the throne.

Dingiri Banda Wijetunga was such a (gentleman) farmer on whom the greatness of Prime ministerial and presidential duties were thrust upon by fate. He rose to the occasion and demonstrated in modern times, the validity of Knox’s ancient observation.

D.B.S. Jeyaraj can be reached at djeyaraj2005@yahoo.com
courtesy:dailymirror.lk