No visible progress in bringing reconciliation to SL........by Lynn Ockersz
US Assistant Secretary of State Robert Blake could be ‘way off the mark’ when he questions Sri Lanka’s progress in resettling and rehabilitating the IDPs of the North but has given the country and its political leadership something to deeply ponder over and be concerned about when he says that they are very wanting on the question of bringing reconciliation to Sri Lanka.
Ideally, there should be rapid progress in the screening of IDPs and their resettlement but this operation is fraught with risks on account of the possibility of quite a few former LTTE cadres masquerading as civilians. Admittedly, the screening process has to be carried out with considerable circumspection in view of this risk and the state could not afford to be careless on this score, lest ex-LTTE members mingle with the population segment in question and pose a future security threat to the state.
The position of the Lankan state on the care that should go into the screening process should, therefore, be accepted and, to a degree, those sections which are calling for the expediting of the screening, should bear with the authorities. But it also needs to be conceded that a needless prolonging of the relevant security precautions could increasingly open the Lankan state to the charge that the civilian sections concerned are being victimized.
Therefore, the position could be taken that the state should do everything within its power, within the current security constraints, to ensure the expeditious resettlement and rehabilitation of IDPs, for, the freedom of movement of law-abiding citizens could in no way be hampered, unless for very legitimate reasons. But the state could not be negligent in the process.
National reconciliation, however, is an entirely different matter. On this score, the Lankan government could be said to be slow-footed and even weak-kneed. After a considerable period of time the country’s minority ethnic and religious communities are shown as celebrating events and occasions which have a close bearing on their identities, but such manifestations of a celebratory nature do not add-up to the materialization of national reconciliation to any significant degree.
No doubt, the free, joyful conduct of these events should be welcomed because they testify to the provision of space by the state, for the ethnic and cultural groups concerned, to exercise their cultural and religious autonomy, but we are only skimming the surface of national reconciliation with these provisions. There is much more to be done by the state before it could be proudly proclaimed that national reconciliation is indeed here.
What could contribute substantially towards national reconciliation in Sri Lanka is power sharing among our ethnic groups and for this purpose the initial legislation is already in place in the form of the 13th amendment (13A) to the constitution. We need to start with the 13A and gradually add to these powers to ensure that empowerment is a reality at the group and individual levels. Without extensive political empowerment it is difficult to visualize a completely stable Sri Lanka.
Right now, the policy position of the topmost government leaders on the 13A is not clear, although some ministers are on record that the amendment would be implemented. What is required is a full implementation of the 13A and those for whom such pronouncements are anathema, should carefully read the relevant provisions to reassure themselves that there are substantial safeguards in the 13A, which could be activated by the President, to protect the geographical integrity and unity of Sri Lanka.
It would be most unfortunate if a case is continued to be made by Southern chauvinistic opinion for a monopolization of political power by the majority community and the political centre. For, this could only have the effect of renewing the call for a separate state, among some sections, in those areas where the armed separatist rebellion has been quelled. Although as lovers of peace we would wish otherwise, the hard-nosed political realist in us should convince us that full, durable peace could never ‘come from the barrel of a gun’.
It is not exactly clear what some local sections mean when they say that ‘conditions have changed in the North-East since 1987’ and, therefore, the 13A is a superfluity which could now be done away with. True, the armed rebellion is no more and not all sections in the North-East backed the LTTE’s terror campaign, but the years-long, peaceful campaign by Tamil parliamentary parties for political autonomy, and not separation, was symptomatic of a deep-seated frustration born of not enjoying the ‘good things in life’ on an equal footing with the majority community. This state of mind among considerable sections in the North-East is unlikely to have changed and this is why a political solution to the conflict should be persisted with. And there is no better way to achieve this than by fully implementing the 13A; a piece of legislation which is already in hand and which cannot be ‘torched in Parliament’.
However, if the government is wary of ‘ground realities’ which could militate against the immediate implementation of the 13A, it should seriously consider launching confidence-building measures which help in bridge-building among communities, until such times that the 13A could be fully implemented. Some such measures, such as Race Relations Councils, have already been suggested by this writer but serious thought should also be given to the banning of the use of communalistic slogans by political parties. The mouthing by them of sentiments which are detrimental to religious and cultural harmony should also be considered.
Local authorities which work towards the strengthening of communal bonds by encouraging peaceful co-existence among cultural groups could be specially rewarded. Besides, businesses and enterprises that make provision for the increasing employment of minority group members could be commended and specially recognized by the state.
These are just a few measures that come to mind when considering what could be done, specially in the short term, to effect national reconciliation. The question to ponder is: why is the state dragging its feet on this epochal undertaking. It would need to think beyond narrow political considerations if it is seriously considering ushering national reconciliation.
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